Studies in the Acts of the Apostles

[Resource Manager]

99. A Prisoner at Caesarea (24:22-27)

 

Paul should have walked out of that court a free man. Felix knew this perfectly well, for his years of diversified service in that area combined with his more recent acquisition of a Jewish wife to make him unusually well-versed in all things Jewish and also with The Way which Paul had just proclaimed and defended.

 

But relations with the Jewish leaders were already strained, and to give the prisoner his freedom would only make matters worse. So instead of "Case dismissed", Felix declared the case deferred until the unspecified time when Claudius Lysias could be heard in person regarding Paul.

 

It is interesting to speculate how the governor had become so well informed about "the sect of the Nazarenes". Philip and also Cornelius and his wide circle of Roman friends (10:24; 21:8) lived in Caesarea, so the Faith was not practised there in obscurity.

 

Light imprisonment

 

The Jewish leaders shrewdly read between the lines of Felix's decision, and as good as abandoned the prosecution. However, to have Paul a long-term un­tried prisoner was perhaps the next best thing, and with that they had to be content. They could hardly expect more, for the governor's pronouncement: "When Lysias the chief captain is come down (from Jerusalem), I will get to know the ins and outs of your matter," fairly clearly implied that he was satisfied with the straight story he had heard from Paul but doubted the accuracy of the case they had presented.

 

So Paul was without his freedom, but with a minimum of discomfort. His friends had ready access to him, and he was free to occupy himself very much as he pleased. Some months earlier, when writing to the brethren in Rome, he had mentioned his prayers that, coming to Rome, he might "together with you find rest" (15:32RV). He was a man desper­ately in need of a holiday. Now, at last, in Caesarea his prayer was answered in a somewhat unlooked-for way.

 

Drusilla

 

At this time Felix was very much away from Caesarea, being less concerned with the government of the country than with his overpowering love-affair with the wife of the king of Emesa in Syria.

 

Drusilla, a matchless beauty of seven­teen, was a daughter of Herod Agrippa I who had died in agony "eaten of worms" after his persecution of James and Peter (Acts 12). Married at fourteen to a much older man she had no interest in, she had not been unwilling to be lured away when Felix employed the persuasions of a mountebank magician, a Cypriot Jew. Somewhere about the time of Paul's trial, Drusilla's husband had conveniently died. So after a little while Felix was able to return to Caesarea having with him "his own wife" (Luke's phrase). His wife-stealing had now been regularised.

 

Drusilla probably knew about the inter­pretation the disciples had put on the death of her father, and in any case, like her brother Agrippa II ( 25:13), although of Edomite blood she had been reared in the Jewish religion, and was interested in, but strongly prejudiced against, "the sect of the Nazarenes."

 

Some early manuscripts suggest that she asked to see Paul and hear him discourse on the Faith; so of course the infatuated Felix readily agreed. Thus Paul had repeated opportunity to witness for Christ before two of the most unlikely people. Even with such he did not despair of "the faith into Christ" making a powerful impression. So, time after time (like John the Baptist before Herod Antipas!) the apostle unflinchingly testified to these two concerning the righteousness im­puted to a man through his baptism into Christ, and the life of self-control which life in Christ calls for, and the inescapable day of judgement for those answerable to Christ for their mis-pent lives.

 

It needed much courage to talk bluntly to such a man as this Roman governor "appropriately to his great lust and future doom." But Paul did not wrap things up, with the result that Felix became really fearful.

[Resource Manager]

Paul's reasoning from Scripture

 

One is tempted to see in the text of Psalms 1 and 2 the main ground for Paul's discourse on at least one of these occa­sions. The parallelism of phrasing and idea is intriguing:

Acts 24	Psalms 1; 2
Felix (= happy, blessed). Drusilla (= "she who enquired" -she sent for Paul)	Blessed is the man —	Porcius Festus in place of Felix	The chaff which the wind driveth away – the way of the ungodly shall perish
Heard him concerning faith in Christ	Not in the counsel of the ungodly, nor in the way of sinners, nor in the seat of the scornful.	and also: The Sanhedrin	The rulers take counsel together against the Lord, and against His Christ-
Judgement to come	The ungodly shall not stand in the judgement — when his wrath is kindled but a little.	I stood before the council	The ungodly shall not stand in the judgement.
Felix trembled	Serve the Lord with fear, and rejoice with trembling.	More perfect knowledge of the Way	The way of the righteous.

 

Case-hardened

 

However, Felix shrugged off the im­mediate challenge of the gospel. His old outlook was too strong for him to contem­plate seriously the drastic change which loyalty to Christ (instead of Caesar and self) demanded.

 

So decision was deferred. But still, from time to time, these colloquies went on. Felix's hard conscience was taking a hammering, but the materialistic motive always prevailed - the possibility that Paul would tire of restraint and would be glad to bribe his way to freedom. That mention of alms brought to Jerusalem (v. 17) had made Felix suspect that Paul had access to substantial wealth, especially too since there was no sign of poverty about the way he lived in prison. So Felix held on in hopes of a substantial "persuader." One Roman governor is known to have allowed the criminals in Judean prisons to buy their way to freedom. Thus he filled his pockets, and also filled the country with vice and violence.

[Resource Manager]

Paul's "holiday"

 

But Paul was not given to bribery, so for two long years his restless energetic spirit was tried by the constraints of his impris­onment. Luke gives no indication of how he occupied himself in these circumst­ances. Doubtless there was a lot of Bible study, and letters galore (none of which have been preserved) went forth from Caesarea to the wide range of ecclesias which Paul's labours had brought into existence. It is thought by some that Ephesians, Colossians and Philemon belong to this period, but there is really little positive evidence pro or con.

 

Also, it is not difficult to infer from Paul's epistles that by this time he had organized a team of able and willing young men who gladly consolidated and extended Paul's evangelism in the various provinces where the apostle had laboured. For them Paul, the prisoner in Caesarea, was the spider at the centre of the web, imparting wisdom and inspiration to worthy efforts he himself could no longer take part in.

 

Also, since Luke was constantly at his side, there would be a good deal of collaboration in the matchless history which that worthy disciple was busy with. Within the past two years Luke's gospel had been published far and wide in the ecclesias (2 Cor. 8:18), and already he was busy on a second volume: "The Gospel of the Holy Spirit", which within a few years would come to be known everywhere as "The Acts of the Apos­tles."

 

So, in spite of restraint, life for Paul was not dull during these two years.

[Resource Manager]

Felix fired

 

Meantime Felix's administration went from bad to worse. At length a crisis in his dealings with the influential Jewish com­munity in Caesarea led to vigorous com­plaints against him in Rome, so the new Caesar, Nero, recalled him in anger and sent Festus in his place.

 

Felix should have tidied up Paul's case before leaving Caesarea, but instead, seeing here a chance to soothe exacer­bated Jewish spirit and knowing how much store they set on having Paul out of circulation, he deliberately left the apostle a prisoner. Let Festus cope with that headache when he came.

 

Thus Felix returned to Rome trembling more about his arraignment there than about the inevitable judgement to be pronounced by one greater than Nero. As it turned out, but for his brother Pallas in high office at Caesar's court, that would have been the end of Felix. His real and unenviable end lies yet in the future.

 

 

Notes: 24:22-27

22. Deferred. LXX Ps. 78:21; 89:38 suggests impatience.

24. Felix came clearly implies a period away from Caesarea.

25. Temperance is best explained by its opposite in 1 Cor. 7:5. The sequence of ideas in this verse is similar to that in 1 Cor. 1:30.

Wisdom - the knowledge of the gospel of Christ.

Righteousness - through baptism into Christ.

Sanctification - the developing life in Christ.

Redemption - ultimate salvation in Christ.

When I have opportunity. Here, by a remarkable irony, Felix almost quotes Ps. 75:2 LXX. "When I have opportunity (or, take a set time), I will judge righteously"! But his word for "have" is one often associated with eating a meal: "When I have an appetite for this -."

26. Money: i.e. a lot of money; s.w. Mk. 10:23,24; 2 Chr. 1:11,12; Dan. 11:13,24,28.

27. Into Felix' room. LXX usage suggests not "instead of Felix" but "instead of Caesar, with his authority."

Willing to shew the Jews a pleasure. The word means, strictly, "to store up gratitude," i.e. to put them under an obligation to him. Some texts also add:' 'and for the sake of Drusilla" - in other words, she wanted Paul left a prisoner.

[Resource Manager]

100. Before Festus (25:1-12)

 

The new Roman governor was almost certainly some improvement on his un­principled predecessor, though indeed apart from these chapters in Acts and a couple of mentions by Josephus, nothing whatever is known about him. Apparently he took strong measures against the brigands infesting the country, and when Herod Agrippa II had a quarrel with the Jewish leaders about building in the holy city, he gave decision in the king's favour.

 

His procuratorship lasted only a short while, and throughout it he was probably a very sick man, for he died in office.

 

However, he was a man of prompt action, for on arrival in Caesarea, after only one day to get used to his new headquarters, he made the journey to Jerusalem, there to meet all the Jewish notables. Evidently he was anxious to make a good impression on them as a man of dispatch, willing to co-operate.

 

The new high priest, Ishmael, and the entire Sanhedrin (v.15) were there at Jerusalem to meet him. They adopted precisely the tactics that had been tried against Paul at Corinth (18:12). The new governor was forthwith bombarded with clamorous requests (v.24) that action be taken against this hated Nazarene. Realising that Festus was a bit unsure of himself and not physically strong, they hoped to wear him down by their unanimi­ty against Paul. It is a measure of the unquenchable rancour these leaders cherished against the apostle that, after two years during which it had not been possible to do a thing against him, their animosity was as bitter as ever. Even now Paul was Number One on their agenda with the new governor!

 

Scheming

 

Already these evil men had their plans laid. They would persuade an ill-informed Festus to transfer the case to Jerusalem for decision by the Sanhedrin. Thus they had two strings to their bow. It would be easy enough to have a hired band of brigands attack his escort on the road into the hills, and of course Paul would be one of the incidental casualties in the encoun­ter. In his ignorance Festus would be highly unlikely to have Paul guarded by five hundred soldiers, as Lysias had been careful to do.

 

Failing success in that laudable en­deavour, a framed Sanhedrin could be depended on to bring in a capital sent­ence against Paul, which sentence a well-bribed governor would then prob­ably confirm - or, at the very least, they could count on life-imprisonment. They hoped that it would be the case of Jesus of Nazareth all over again.

 

Since this new governor was obviously anxious to be on good terms with them, the men of influence, they felt sure that he would oblige them. They even went further, suggesting to him that it would be a friendly gesture if he were to pronounce judgement against Paul there and then (v.15). If he were to do this what a lot of time-wasting and trouble it would save both him and them!

[Resource Manager]

Non—co-operation

 

To their surprise, however, Festus did not seem at all eager to oblige:

 

"In Roman law the court doesn't go to the plaintiff, but the plaintiff to the court. This is one of my cases, and my court sits in Caesarea. I'm returning there now for this very purpose, so you'd better go there too. Troublesome travel, you say? Well, I've made the journey. Surely there are some among you who are equal to it. And if you've got a case against this Paul (which I doubt), I'll listen to it."

 

Thus he showed at the outset that he had made a shrewd assessment of their unscrupulous quality.

 

The governor stayed eight full days in Jerusalem (the Feast of Tabernacles?), and then returned to headquarters. Since Paul's hearing began the day after arrival back in Caesarea, Festus and the Jewish leaders must have travelled together. It may be inferred with a fair degree of probability that private discussions about Paul were held, and it is not unlikely that some kind of "persuasion" was applied to Festus, as it had been to Pilate; Mic. 7:3; Ps. 26:10 (cp. "Who moved the stone", ch. 4, by Morison).

 

The hearing before Festus

 

Back in Caesarea, no time was lost in re-hearing the case against Paul. The Jews of Caesarea, a most influential community, united their clamour (v.24) against Paul, and in the re-trial one charge was piled on another to impress Festus afresh with the fact that this was a case of major importance. In their eyes Paul was no ordinary offender.

 

In reply the apostle could only repeat the defence he had already made. Known facts showed that he did not despise the Law of Moses. Nor had he shown any contempt for the temple. And the charge of sedition or insurrection, completely unsupported by evidence, was too absurd to be taken seriously, as Festus could readily discern. Most probably the accusation of disloyalty to Caesar was stressed in the hope that just as they had blackmailed Pilate, so also they would frighten Festus into granting the decision they meant to have.

 

In all conscience the governor could not say: "On this last charge the prisoner is guilty." So, to satisfy these bullies he suggested to Paul:

 

The case against you is really reli­gious and not political or civil. As you must see, the proper tribunal is the Sanhedrin. Suppose, then, that I remit this matter to the Jewish court in Jerusalem? You can depend on me to keep an eye on the case in all its details.'

 

How could Festus say this except with tongue in cheek? Hadn't the viru­lence of the Jewish elders (v.7,24) already made it perfectly plain that Paul could expect no even-handed justice from them? By this time the governor was concerned only for his own comfort and reputation in his new province.

 

Paul saw through the manoeuvre im­mediately. In the first place, was it likely that he would arrive in Jerusalem in safety? And if he did, how could Festus hope to exercise remote control over the trial? In any case, what Paul sought was a decision that the Christian Faith was a permitted religion under Roman law, and how could the Sanhedrin make such a ruling, even if it had the slightest inclina­tion to do so?

[Resource Manager]

"Caesarem appello"

 

The apostle realised that all hope of fair treatment from Festus was now gone. The personal decision he had feared might be necessary was now being forced upon him. So he spoke up in bold rebuke of the underhand manoeuvrings which he felt sure had been going on:

 

'My case was earlier (under Felix) allotted for decision by Roman and not Jewish jurisdiction. The trial was brought here, and here is where I ought to be tried. If there is a proven case against me -which there isn't, as you, Festus, can plainly see - then let me face the full penalty of my offence. But if, as I fear, there is behind this suggestion a policy of men-pleasing, I must protest strongly against it. / appeal unto Caesar! Let my case be heard in Rome.'

 

The atmosphere in the court must have been electric. Paul had expressed a vote of no-confidence in his judge. From the moment he used his privilege as a Roman citizen to appeal to Caesar, neither Jews nor Festus had any right to go a step further with this legal process.

 

In the intensity of their animosity, the Jews had over-reached themselves by seeking to add a civil charge against Paul to the various religious accusations which now had Festus bewildered. If there had been no charge of being "against Caesar — a mover of sedition amongst all the Jews" (v.8; 24:5), Paul would have had no ground for making his appeal to Caesar. But now the present situation chimed in with the assurance given him by his Lord that he "must bear witness also in Rome" (23:11; cp. 19:21: "must").

 

The governor piqued

 

Festus was thoroughly rattled by this unlooked-for development. This was his very first case in Judea, and he was being appealed against as though the prisoner had no confidence in his impartiality or powers of judgement!

 

He turned to the legal advisers present with him in the court, no doubt to check that Paul's Roman citizenship was au­thentic and that there was no ground on which to refuse his appeal.

 

Then in piqued tones: "Thou hast appealed unto Caesar. Unto Caesar shalt thou go!" - as who should say: "And see if you fare any better there!"

 

The Caesar to whom Paul had appealed was Nero, newly on the throne. There was nothing to worry about in this, for during his first five years, thanks to the strong and wise influence of Seneca, brother of Gallio, the empire had a model administration. The chief disadvantages for Paul would be considerable expense, wearisome travel, and continued long restraint. For the time being at any rate the eagle's wings were clipped. Those evil men of Jerusalem had at least that satisfaction.

[Resource Manager]

Notes: 25:1-12

4. Were Jewish insistence and the clamour of the mob (v.24) getting on Festus's nerves?

5. Able. There is some evidence from Josephus that this might read: "influential". But in this context would Festus use the word with that meaning? Contrast his attitude to them in v.9. Something happened between v.5,9.

6. More than ten days. The two possible readings are:

 

1. Not more than ten days;
   
2. Eight or ten days.

 

The latter, well-supported by a group of ancient manuscripts, is silly, unless Luke is seeking to combine the inclusive and exclusive methods of signifying a period of time; cp. Lk. 9:28 with Mt. 17:1.

Next day. Promptitude was evidently a Festus characteristic; v. 1,6,17.

7. Many. . . complaints. But they evidently boiled down to the original three: v.8; 21:28; 24:5.

9. Do the Jews a pleasure; s.w. in v.11. The meaning, more exactly, is: Grant Paul as a gift in order to court favour; s.w. 3:14. But note how Festus excuses himself in v.20. The word plainly implies an abandonment of all sound principle or impartiality in this judgement.

Before me. The Greek phrase implies "depending on me" (i.e. to see that justice is done) - an empty promise, for Festus knew almost nothing about Jewish law and religion.

10. Where I ought to be judged. A rebuke and blunt reminder that Festus was not showing much impartiality now.

As thou very well knowest. Literally: as also thou art perceiving better. This might have a possible implication: "better than you choose to say before this court." Note in v.18,25 what Festus - no fool - did perceive.

11. For Paul to appeal to Caesar on what the Jews regarded as essentially a point of religion would be interpreted by them (and by the brethren in Jerusalem?) as apostasy. Hence 28:19b.

[Resource Manager]

101. Festus and Agrippa (25:13-17)

 

Once Paul had appealed to Caesar, his case should have been remitted to Rome forthwith. Yet the phrases: "after certain days - many days" (v.13,14) seem in sharp contrast with the promptitude with which Festus usually operated (as in v.1, 6,17, 23). Perhaps it was now midwinter when all long-distance shipping was sus­pended in the Mediterranean. Or it may be that Festus was a sick man and as much business as possible was suspended awaiting his recovery. Certainly in this narrative he appears as a somewhat indecisive, not very self-assertive, char­acter.

 

The royal pair

 

Apparently, Herod Agrippa II, now king of most of Palestine but not of Judea, had earlier sent a warm welcoming greeting to Festus, and now he and his sister Bernice made a state visit to the governor.

 

Agrippa, correctly called "king" in Luke's narrative, but not "king of the Jews" (contrast Lk. 1:5), was now about thirty-one. Like all the Herods, from his earliest days he had kept on the friendliest terms with the Caesars in Rome. His father, assiduous to cultivate Jewish good opinion, had raised him in the Jewish religion; and indeed the Jews never had a ruler who understood their outlook so well. For this reason, and out of personal friendship, Claudius had given Agrippa control of the temple and the high-priesthood, so that, some years later (in AD 66), he deposed the high-priest for countenancing the murder of James, the Lord's brother.

 

Bernice was the older sister of Drusilla, and like her a famous beauty. But she was an even more depraved character than her sister. When only fourteen she was married to her uncle; then, briefly, to the king of Cilicia; at the present time she was her own brother's mistress; in later days the emperor Vespasian took an interest in her; and she ended up as Titus's con­cubine. Yet, following the family policy of toadying up to Jewish good-will, at one time she actually took a Nazirite vow! On another occasion she did her utmost to stop a massacre in Jerusalem by the Romans, but failed. A colourful character, truly!

 

Festus seeks help

 

The visit of this royal pair had lasted some time before at length Festus submit­ted Paul's case to Agrippa:

 

'I've got a problem on my hands, left me by Felix when he got the sack. With your Jewish expertise, you are just the man to help me. When I arrived here, the leaders of the nation bombarded me with demands for drastic action against this Paul, a prisoner of some quality. They wanted him sentenced there and then. But of course I told them that that is not the Roman way of dispensing justice. The man must have opportunity to answer the charges being made. I couldn't just hand him over to them.'

 

Reading between the lines it is not difficult to see how Festus was represent­ing himself as a fine impartial judge. Grant them Paul as a gift? Not likely! Yet this was the very thing which Festus had made a subtle effort to do (v.9).

 

He went on: 'I lost no time in arranging a fair trial. There were lots of charges against Paul, but they all seemed to involve complicated questions about their religion about which I know little. They had me quite lost. There were wild assertions about a certain Jesus, crucified in the days of Pontius Pilate, whom this Paul alleges to be alive again (but, of course, you and I know that he isn't).'

 

'The obvious thing (Festus went on) was to have a case like this tried by the religious court in Jerusalem. I pressed for this repeatedly, but he stuck his toes in, insisting on a Roman trial, and being a Roman citizen he ended up by appealing to Caesar - the troublesome fellow! This case is a real nuisance.'

 

Agrippa had the same sort of curiosity that an earlier Herod had shown regard­ing Jesus (Lk. 23:8): 'I've heard about this Paul, have been interested in him for some time. I wouldn't mind hearing what he's got to say.'

 

'You shall' replied Festus, 'tomor­row'. He had got from Agrippa just the reaction he was hoping for.

[Resource Manager]

A royal occasion

 

Accordingly, next day, with any amount of pomp and circumstance (such as the Herods gloried in; 12:21), these rulers came together, probably in the same auditorium where Agrippa's father had made his great oration and then been struck down by the angel of the Lord. Present also were the top Roman officials and the leading men of the Jewish and Syrian communities in Caesarea.

 

Paul was led in, still with a chain on his wrist (26:29). Then, matching the show and splendour of the occasion with his own style, Festus began an elaborate formal oration, primarily with the intention of emphasizing to all present how impor­tant and honourable Agrippa was. It was a studied compliment, a carefully contrived act of statemanship. It is noteworthy - and somewhat surprising - that, throughout, Agrippa seems to have been accorded precedence. He took charge of the hear­ing. And it was he who summed up at the end. It was he who first "rose up" to declare the session concluded (26:1,30,32).

 

'Have a good look at this man' de­clared Festus. 'In Jerusalem and also here in Caesarea I have been beset with pleas and intercessions from the Jews about him. They say his offences are so serious that it is absolutely necessary that he be put to death. My examination of him has brought no serious crime to light. Yet, without any encouragement from me or anybody else, the perverse fellow has appealed to Caesar. So of course I must send him to Rome. But a summary of the pro's and con's of the case must go with him. Here then is the reason for this assembly, to hear what he has got to say for himself. Your expert help, in this, king Agrippa, will be specially valuable and much appreciated.'

 

Festus had implied that he expected the king to initiate an interrogation of the prisoner. But Agrippa knew better than to risk making a fool of himself in discussion with a man who in earlier days had had the reputation of being one of the nimblest minds in the Sanhedrin. So he was content to say:

 

"Thou are permitted to speak for thyself."

 

 

Notes: 25:13-17

14. Declared. The Greek word suggests laying before a higher authority; cp. LK. 23:7,15, which has a different word but the same sort of implication.

14-21. What would be Luke's source of information for this long repetition?

15. Desiring judgement against him. "Demanding that he be sentenced" is the idea.

18. Brought. "Did not cease from bringing" is implied.

As I supposed, i.e. judging from the hostility and bitterness of the accusations.

19. Their own superstition. RV: religion. Festus would not use the word offensively, since Agrippa was nominally a Jew. But "their" might insinuate (between two worldly men who understood each other) that Agrippa's Jewishness was, like his father's, mostly put on.

Was dead. Greek perfect tense suggests: And of course he's still dead. Affirmed is a word implying the same thing; s.w. Rev. 2:2; Rom. 1:22.

20. I doubted. At a loss; perplexed. He conceals what had been his real motive; v.9.

22. The man. Knowing Paul to be a Roman citizen, Festus (v.14) had used a more dignified term. But not so Agrippa.

23. The most impressive assembly of Gentiles Paul had yet addressed; 9:15.

24. The multitude of the Jews. Organized riots to overawe Festus?

Dealt with me. In other places, "made intercession," Rom. 8:27,34; 11:2; Heb. 7:25. Crying. Continuously shouting out.

26. My Lord. A title appropriated by the later Caesars. The use of it here was neatly rebuked by Paul; 26:15. This speech by Festus, a rather woolly affair, is a remarkable confession to be made before all these people.

[Resource Manager]

102. Before Agrippa (26:1-18)

 

One Herod after another was called upon to meet the challenge of men of God. Herod the Great's reaction to the birth of Jesus is known to everybody. His son Antipas and his grand-daughter Herodias knew well the message of John the Baptist, but between them brought him to a tragic end. It was this Herod, too, who could have had the deciding of the case of Jesus but who adroitly slid away from the responsibility (one John the Baptist was enough!). The next King Herod, Agrippa I, beheaded James and blithely decided on Peter as his next victim, but instead paid the penalty for his crime. His son, Agrippa II, himself not too admirable a character but definitely the pick of an evil bunch, was now to have his conscience uncom­fortably alerted by the burning oratory of Paul.

 

Paul the rhetorician

 

On no other occasion is the apostle known to have achieved such powerful rhetorical effect as in his speech before the king. His Greek style was much more elaborate than usual; he brought in a considerable number of unusual words; there were not a few personal appeals and emotional phrases; once or twice he broke off into abrupt parentheses; con­stantly he abandoned all idea of defence in order most unashamedly to preach the gospel to this distinguished audience; and in two places he indulged in effective emphasis by repetition of simple words ("all-many").

 

Not that Paul needed to go all out to defend himself on this occasion. He had made his appeal to Caesar, and therefore need not have said a single word before Festus and Agrippa. But here was too good an opportunity to be missed for witness to Christ. Had not the Lord Jesus said that he was to "bear my name before Gentiles, and kings, and the children of Israel" (9:15)? When had he had such a representative audience as this now gathered before him (25:23)?

 

So, "taking courage, and receiving comfort by the Holy Spirit" (Bezan text; cp. v.25), that is, depending on the Lord's promise of all needful inspiration (Mt. 10:18-20), he spoke up boldly. "I will speak of thy testimonies also before kings, and will not be ashamed."

 

It was to be a witness which bore valuable fruit some ten years later when disciples of the Lord, heedful of the Olivet warning (Mt. 24:15,16) used their oppor­tunity to flee from the Roman onslaught against Jerusalem, seeking safety in Pella, the nearest place in Agrippa's administration - they knew that they would be received in kindly fashion there.

 

With chained hand outstretched (v.29), Paul first fell in with the recognized style of the times (rather like beginning a letter: "Dear Sir"); he opened with a restrained and dignified eulogy of the king:

 

'I know right well, king Agrippa, that you have been well-trained and are most knowledgeable in everything to do with the Jewish religion. Do you not yourself live the life of a practising Jew? So I am the more happy to have this opportunity to witness before you concerning the Faith I hold and the charges lavishly made against me. So hear me, please, with patience.'

 

In that last word, Paul was probably making allusion to the Book of Proverbs: "By long forbearing (s.w. LXX) is a prince persuaded" (25:15). Evidently Agrippa caught the allusion, as his later rejoinder seems to imply: "Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian" (v.28).

[Resource Manager]

His early days

 

The apostle now launched into a re­capitulation of his early days and startling conversion. Much of this was already known to many of his hearers, with dubious variations, doubtless, so here was a good opportunity to set the record straight.

 

He told of his early training at Jeru­salem, sitting at the feet of the great Gamaliel. Setting aside modesty, he mentioned how from the very first he had attracted the serious attention of the rabbis and had been marked out for promotion. His almost fanatical observ­ance of strict Pharisaic practice had brought him special approval. Indeed there were still some members of the Sanhedrin who could have borne witness to all this, but rather than reinforce his defence they kept unworthily quiet about it.

 

At this point in the speech there was a parenthetic opportunity, too good to miss, to testify to the Truth of Christ.

 

Early hostility and conversion

 

'Consider this strange fact (he de­clared) that the very things I believed as a Pharisee - Israel's Messianic hope and an expectation of the resurrection of the Fathers - should now become the ground for slander and unremitting hostility against me. Night and day, at evening and morning service, with earnest prayer these truths are emphasized afresh in the temple service; and so it has been for generations. Yet it is concerning such a Faith that I am now bitterly accused - and by Jews, of all people! If God purposes to raise the dead, as the Promises firmly require, why is my conviction about the resurrection of Jesus written off as utterly incredible? - and by such as yourself, king Agrippa, and you learned Jews of Caesarea (25:19)!'

 

'Listen, then, to the plain evidence that I lay before you-' - and thus he returned to a more direct apologia pro vita sua. The vivid story, already included twice in Luke's narrative, was now told (and recorded) yet again, how savagely he had persecuted the early believers until that vivid unchallengeable appearance near Damascus had transformed him into the Lord's most fervent witness (for details, see Chapter 35).

 

Commissioned to preach

 

The apostle now dwelt at some length on the commission given to him by this Lord of Glory.

 

"Arise (as though from the dead), and stand upon thy feet." It was the divine command given to Ezekiel, stubborn and bitter of spirit, when he beheld the vision of the Shekinah Glory (Ez. 2:1,2). And the commission was similar in character - to be "a minister and a witness both of the things wherein thou didst see me (in the past), and of the things wherein I will appear unto thee."

 

No lip curled as Paul narrated these things. His manifest ability and burning sincerity stifled every inclination to mockery.

 

The Lord had given him an explicit promise of deliverance from all Jewish and Gentile opposition. It was almost as though Paul was now blithely saying: 'So you see, king Agrippa and most noble Festus, all will yet turn out well for me. I am not going to be condemned either by you or by Caesar.' Opposition, hatred and strife there would be in plenty, as similarly they had been promised to poor Jeremiah (1:5, 8, 10, 18, 19; 15:10), but neverthe­less the Lord's testimony would not be quenched.

[Resource Manager]

To Jews and also to Gentiles

 

The piling up of phrases in the Lord's commission is most impressive, especial­ly in the way in which they oscillate between reference to Jews and to Gen­tiles; "-the people (Israel) and the Gen­tiles, unto whom (plural pronoun - Gen­tiles) now I send thee (apostello, as an apostle)." At this point a wholly Jewish audience would have erupted in uncon­trollable indignation, but in this environ­ment the Jewish leaders present had to restrain themselves.

 

"To open (Jewish) eyes, and to turn them (the Gentiles) from darkness to light," precisely as had happened to Paul himself after that first experience of the heavenly Glory. There can be little doubt that at this point Paul called to his aid the winsome prophecies of Isaiah about the gospel, but just which it is not easy to say:

 

"Arise, shine; for thy light is come, and the glory of the Lord is risen upon thee. For, behold, darkness shall cover the earth, and gross darkness the people: but the Lord shall arise upon thee, and his glory shall be seen upon thee. And the Gentiles shall come to thy light, and kings to the brightness of thy rising" (60:1-3). There is hardly a phrase here that is not relevant either to Paul's conversion or to the witness he was now making.

 

"Though Israel be not gathered, yet shall I be glorious in the eyes of the Lord, and my God shall be my strength ... I will also give thee for a light to the Gentiles, that thou mayest be my salva­tion to the ends of the earth ... Kings shall see and arise, princes also shall worship ..." (49:5-7).

 

"I the Lord have called thee in right­eousness, and will hold thine hand, and will keep thee, and give thee for a covenant of the people (Israel), for a light of the Gentiles; to open the blind eyes, to bring out the prisoners from the prison, and them that sit in darkness out of the prison house ... Hear, ye deaf; and look, ye blind, that ye may see. Who is blind, but my servant (Israel, Saul of Tarsus)? or deaf, as my messenger that I send? who is blind as he that is perfect?" (42:6, 7,18,19).

 

"Behold, your God will come, raised up ... Then the eyes of the blind shall be opened, and the ears of the deaf shall be unstopped-" (35:4,5).

 

Paul went on:" ... to turn them (the Gentiles) from the power of Satan (false worship, idols) unto God, that they (Israel) may receive forgiveness of sins, and inheritance (a divine lot, for Gentiles) among them (the New Israel) that are sanctified."

 

This comprehensive survey of the pre­sent purpose of God in Christ is all of it governed by a tremendous significant concluding phrase: "by faith which (brings a man) into me." It was impossi­ble that Paul should leave out this mes­sage concerning personal decision and baptism.

 

There he paused, but only, as it were, to draw breath.

[Resource Manager]

Notes: 26:1-18

3. Expert. More correctly: knowledgeable. Paul would not have been happy about this if he had known himself guilty! The word also means (in LXX): "a familiar friend" (of the Jews); Ps. 55:18; 2Kgs. 10:11. A nice double meaning.

4. My youth. Not necessarily 12+. This word is used about Timothy in his early 30s (1 Tim. 4:12).

5. Knew me. In NT. this always means foreknowledge.

From the beginning. Gk. anōthen normally means "from above."

Thus, the phrasing here seems to imply that from the first (v.4), the "top brass" earmarked Saul of Tarsus for promotion.

Sect. Gk: ha tresis, not heresy, but faction, party.

Religion. Gk: thrēskia means the outward form of religion rather than the inner spirit. Very apt here!

6. For the hope. Rather: depending on, resting on the hope of —

 

1. fulfilment of the Promises; 28:20; Rom. 4:18.
   
2. resurrection; 2:26; 23:6; 1 Th. 4:13; 1 Pet. 1:3. Of course the two go together.

 

7. Instantly. Literally: stretched out; 12:5; Lk. 22:44.

Night and day. Ex. 30:7,8; 1 Kgs. 15:4.

8. Incredible, i.e. that Jesus is the Messiah.

RV: If God doth raise the dead. The last word is plural, as in 1 Cor. 15:12,13. So the reference is not to Jesus specifically, but to God's Promises to the Fathers (see on v.6).

(Other notes at the end of Chapter 35).

[Resource Manager]

103. Not Guilty! (26:19-32)

 

It may readily be imagined that Paul's distinguished audience listened to him, utterly fascinated as he unfolded the story of his conversion.

 

Paul's oration intensifies

 

' I did not try to persuade myself that this experience was all a delusion. Jesus of Nazareth did not find me disobedient to the charge laid upon me. Without the slightest delay I set about the preaching programme assigned to me. First, Damascus; then, back at Jerusalem; and, whenever I could, throughout the cities and villages of Judaea. Next, came opportunity to take the message concern­ing Jesus to Gentiles also, especially in Antioch. Then, a direct revelation sent me and chosen colleagues with me through the Gentile cities in Galatia, Asia, Mace­donia, and Achaia. In all these places my message was that Jews should repent and be more worthy of their calling as the chosen people, and that Gentiles should leave their idols and turn to the God of Israel. To all, both Jews and Gentiles, I never ceased to repeat the solemn ex­hortation which was first heard on the lips of the great prophet John the Baptist, whom thy predecessor, King Agrippa, knew very well but did not heed. That exhortation urged the duty to prove the sincerity of their repentance by the stead­fast holiness of their lives.'

 

'Because I preached to Gentiles, and because I never ceased to insist that even Jews need repentance as much as any­one else, my own people turned against me. When I was worshipping in the temple at Jerusalem some of them grabbed me, seeking to fulfil a longstanding intention to deal drastically with me.'

 

'But God was with me, and military help - some of Rome's best legionaries, O Festus - came in the nick of time. Since then - more than two years ago - I have continued to make use of every opportun­ity not only to establish that I am without blame but also to demonstrate fully from Holy Scripture the truth of my message.'

 

'The main questions have been these: First, according to the Scriptures, is the promised Messiah one who would suffer for the sins of men before becoming a glorious ruler over the kingdom of God? Second, by his resurrection from the dead is he to show to others the way to everlasting life? And third, this life and immortality he brings to light-is it to be for Jews only, or for Gentiles also?'

 

Festus protests

 

Paul's eloquence was now in full spate. Not content to witness to the truth of his Lord's resurrection he was now intent on making the gospel appeal as persuasively as he knew how. For the sake of the Christian ecclesias up and down that land he meant to leave a strong and favourable impression on the Roman governor and his team of administrators assembled there. But more important still was his all out effort to convert Agrippa and the distinguished citizens of Caesarea, both Jews and Syrians, who had been invited to hear this unusual case.

 

It may be taken as certain that for this second purpose the apostle made co­pious quotation, from memory of course, of a considerable range of Old Testament passages.

 

Festus sensed that Paul had now moved on from his own personal defence into the field of vigorous propaganda, much of which was clean beyond him because of his utter ignorance of the Jewish Scriptures. So, perhaps sensing a growing uneasiness on the part of Agrip­pa, he didn't scruple to interrupt Paul's speech in the middle of a sentence.

 

Indeed, he must have been himself much affected by what he heard, for it was with what was almost a shout that he broke in:

 

'Paul, you are mad, quite crazy! You told us as much yourself a little while ago (v.11). Do you expect us to believe that a Jew has come back from the grave and is now promising to show heaven's Glory to us Romans who rule all known civilisa­tion? You've had your head turned by all the academic learning (s.w. Jn. 7:15) you've got and by all the holy writings you are constantly studying.'

 

It is not unlikely that there was also a political purpose behind this interruption. Festus was anxious to make clear to the influential Jews present that he was in no way prejudiced in Paul's favour.

[Resource Manager]

Paul unflustered

 

Not at all put out by this interposition, the apostle answered with quiet reason­ableness and studied courtesy:

 

'Mad, your excellency? I was, truly, before that journey to Damascus. But not now. Everything I have said to you has been simple truth from our Scriptures. And if I have spoken with enthusiasm, this is the effect of the divine Spirit which guides me. There is nothing in my speech of fantasy or frenzy.'

 

'I know I can speak boldly before king Agrippa concerning these things, for he is thoroughly familiar with all this. I expect my speech to mystify you, a Roman little acquainted with Jewish religion or with events here thirty years ago, but the king knows it all, and is interested in it.'

 

Agrippa's response

 

Then, turning from one ruler to the other, Paul made a most earnest appeal:

 

"King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets? I know that thou believest."

 

Quite apart from Agrippa's reputation in Jewry, it had been evident to Paul from the way his discourse had been followed that the king was on the way to being convinced.

 

The brief reply to this point-blank challenge has been interpreted in a wide variety of ways. Certainly it was not a hostile comment, for the king avoided the opprobrious name "Nazarene" and in­stead used the God-given title: "Christ­ian." But what was he implying by: "In a little thou art persuading me to become a Christian"? Here are some of the possibilities:

 

1. 'You have almost completely con­vinced me.'
   
2. 'You want to convert me as fast as you yourself were converted' (s.w Eph. 3:3).
   
3. ' I go with you some of the way, but not entirely.'
   
4. A good-tempered irony, implying: 'I'm not taking you on in argument, not one as clever as you are.'

 

Whatever meaning was intended, it may be taken as more than probable that Agrippa was being evasive, for it simply would not do to show any kind of sympathy for Paul's faith in the presence of the Jews who were eagerly following every word.

 

It is even possible that to ease the tenseness of the situation and to help Festus relax, Agrippa deliberately framed a simple pun in Latin: "In paullo, by a little (talk) art thou persuading me . . ."

 

 

[Resource Manager]

The appeal renewed

 

But Paul was not relaxing the intensity of his appeal. Neatly continuing the king's play on words, he replied:

 

'I would to God that both by the little one (myself) and by the Great One (Christ) not only thou but also all those hearing me might today become just such as I am -that is (he added, doubtless with a wry smile), except for these bonds.' And as he spoke he held up the chains fastened to his wrists.

 

Agrippa felt that it was time to discon­tinue the proceedings. "Thou art permit­ted to speak for thyself," he had gracious­ly said to Paul. But now the prisoner was not in the least concerned with his own personal apologia. He was intent on converting to Christ as many as possible of the distinguished audience assembled before him, and specially this last king of the Jews. Agrippa also sensed rising irritation in the mind of Festus.

 

"Not Guilty!"

 

So, rising to his feet, with a wave of the hand he declared the session closed. Relaxing in another part of the palace, he and Festus and Bernice and their more distinguished guests talked at length among themselves about this extraordin­ary man and the even more extraordinary oration they had heard from him. It was generally agreed that there was no reason at all why he should ever have been made, or kept, prisoner. Religious crank he may be, but his way of life was harmless enough. It is not unlikely that Festus contemplated an attempt at per­suading Paul to retract his appeal to Caesar. But by this time all Jewry knew what the situation was, and following such a course might well lead to serious disturbance and even to Paul's assassination. Besides which it is fairly certain that such retraction, if hinted at, would be abhorrent to Paul. In accordance with his Lord's own word (23:11), he was set on going to Rome. Whatever else, through himself as a test case the Faith in Christ must acquire a recognized status as religio licita, so that there would be freedom to preach Christ throughout the empire, and especially in Jewry.

 

This latest defence by Paul as good as settled the judicial decision to be made in Rome some two and a half years or so later. For almost certainly a rescript of the opinions reached this day would be forwarded to Caesar. In effect, Lysias, Festus, and Agrippa had all said "Not Guilty" (23:29; 25:25; 26:32; cp. Lk. 23 4, 14, 22). Settled conclusions by such men would surely be taken into account. But with such adversaries as the wily, unscrupulous, powerful Jewish lead­ers, who could be sure?

[Resource Manager]

Notes: 26:19-32

19. Not disobedient. Characteristic understatement; cp. Gal. 1:16.Forotherexamples,seeRom. 1:13,15,16.

20. And. . . and.. . and. The careful discrimination in the Greek is interesting. And so also in v.30.

All the coasts (country) of Judaea. 9:26-30, Gal. 1:22 hardly seem to allow of this. But perhaps 22:30; 12:25 do.

21. These causes. Or, these people (the Gentiles); 22:21,22.

Kill me; s.w. 5 ;30. Did Paul choose this Greek word as perhaps hinting at getting him crucified like his Lord?

22. Obtained, as a matter of commonplace experience. To Paul that is what the help of God was.

Help. The Greek word is military (21:32) linking with a word for "young soldiers." Paul was probably thinking also of angelic aid.

23. It has been suggested that, like the "Faithful Sayings" in 1,2 Tim., Tit., there were early Christian collections of "Testimonies" (proof texts): (a) Whether the Christ is to suffer, (b) Whether the Christ is to rise from the dead.: © Whether the Christ is to show light to the Gentiles.

Rise from the dead. Elsewhere (e.g. Rom. 1:4) the next step from this is: Therefore he is the Son of God. Why not here?

Light to the Gentiles. See on v.18, in previous chapter.

24. For similar interruptions, see 4:1; 10:44.

Mad. Those who talk about resurrection are reckoned by worldly men to be mad: Mk. 3:21; Jn. 10:20; Acts 12:15. So also prophets speaking the word of the Lord: Jer. 29:26;2 Kgs. 9:1,4,11;2Cor. 5:11,13. Since this word was normally associated with some kind of frenzy, it surely implies a great enthusiasm with which Paul was now speaking.

Much learning. Allusion to his many scrolls of Scripture and his copious writing of epistles?

25. Speak forth nearly always implies divine inspiration; e.g. 2:4,14; Dt. 32:2;Ez. 13:9,19;1 Chr. 25:1 (the only clear exception is Ps. 59:7). For Paul's claims to speak by inspiration, consider 1 Cor. 2:13;7:10 (dokeo);14:37; 2. Cor. 2:17; 7:12 with 1 Cor. 5:4); Gal. 1:20 (?) 1 Th. 4:15.

26. Freely is really, "boldly"; indeed yes: v.27,29; 23:11.

Done in a corner. Some claim that this is a deliberate quote from Plato.

27. Thou believest- but art not prepared to confess it. In A.D.70 Christians fleeing from Jerusalem sought refuge in Pella, the nearest city in territory then administered by Agrippa. The line of Herod ended in him and his sisters.

28. Christian. Was Agrippa attempting another pun? 'I am an anointed king (echristhen) already!'

29. I would to God. Was Paul implying: It is not I but God who is at work, seeking to convert you?'

32. How did this general opinion come to be known by Luke? Was there a Paul sympathizer in that group? Or did Festus have a public announcement made?

33. Silver or gold. Cp. Samuel; 2 Sam. 12:3. Note the force of Paul's word - he had not taken, he had not even coveted

34. These hands. 1 Cor. 4:12; 9:3-18; 1 Th. 2:5,6,9; 2 Th. 3:7-10; Gal. 6:2; Eph. 4:28.

Ministered. There is possibly here an implication that Paul had been their chief means of support.

35. Ye ought. Literally: It is necessary (as an example).

To help the weak. The Gk. word pictures one helping along with another (the other being the Lord?). Contrast 6:2, 4.

why the contrast? Remember. . . give. Both verbs are continuous in their emphasis. Contrast the wordly sentiment'

"Givers are fools. Receivers only are blest."

A few examples of these uncanonical sayings of the Lord:

Remember... give. Both verbs are continuous in their emphasis. Contrast the worldly sentiment: "Givers are fools

Receivers only are blest."

A few examples of these uncanonical sayings of the Lord:

 

1. On the same day (after Lk. 6:4) having seen one working on the sabbath, he said to him, O man, if indeed thou knowest what thou doest, thou art blessed; but if thou knowest not, thou art cursed, and art a transgressor of the law.
   
2. Shew yourselves tried money-changers.
   
3. In whatsoever I may find you, in this will I also judge you.
   
4. He who is near me is near the fire; he who is far from me is far from the kingdom.

 

37. Tears. Verses 19.31 also. A pointed rebuke of the stiff upper-lip of modern believers?

38. Spake. The Gk word implies inspiration. Other Biblical farewells: Gen. 50:1; Ruth 1:9,16; 1 Sam, 20:41; 1 Kgs. 19:20.

[Resource Manager]

104. From Caesarea to Crete. (27:1-12)

 

It has already been seen that Festus was a man not given to letting the grass grow under his feet (25:1, 17, 23). Now that he had had the religious expertise of Agrippa to guide him in the writing of the case-history which must accompany the prisoner, he lost no time in dispatching Paul to Rome. Indeed, according to the Bezan text, it was the very next day when arrangements for the journey were completed.

 

There were also other prisoners, of a very different quality, to be sent along with Paul. It has been surmised that these were men condemned to death who were intended to provide entertainment for bloodthirsty Roman crowds by fighting wild beasts in the arena. Several details in the narrative make it plain that Paul was regarded as in a very different category from these others. Indeed, something like friendship seems to have sprung up between himself and the Roman centu­rion Julius who was in charge of the party of prisoners and guards. It is very likely that when Paul made his eloquent appeal and defence before the king and gov­ernor, Julius himself was present and had been greatly impressed (25 23). The point has often been made that every centurion mentioned in the New Testa­ment appears in a remarkably good light. These officers of the Roman army must have been an exceptionally fine set of men.

 

Luke's record implies that the governor appointed that Paul should be accompa­nied by Luke and Aristarchus (the "we" pronouns become very prominent in the story of this voyage). As in all generations a medical man would be welcome on board as ship's doctor; and it may be surmised that Roman citizen Paul was allowed to take Aristarchus as his person­al attendant.

Apparently Paul's oratorical effort be­fore Agrippa took too much out of him - or did he perhaps have another sudden attack of fever? The record plainly hints (v.4 RVm.) at sickness, so the need for attention from "the beloved physician" would be all the greater.

 

Since the ship they sailed in was bound for Adramyttium, just south of Troas, it has been suggested that Aristarchus intended to stay with Paul until he could conve­niently diverge homeward to Thessaloni­ca. But this can hardly be correct, for Aristarchus had already been with the apostle for well over two years (20:4), and twice during the next two years Paul, writing from Rome, makes appreciative reference to "Aristarchus my fellow-pris­oner, my fellow-labourer" (Col. 4:10; Philem. 24). What sort of a man was Paul that he could inspire such devotion in those around him? And what sort of disciple was Aristarchus that he should give his years so readily to the service of Paul and Paul's Lord?

 

An interesting question arises as to why Aristarchus should be alluded to here as though quite new to the story when in fact there have already been two mentions of him (19:29; 20:4). Perhaps the explana­tion is that both the earlier allusions belong to a section of the narrative details of which had been supplied by Titus, Luke's brother (there is a sudden recurr­ence of the plural pronoun just after 20:4).

 

An easy day's sailing took the ship to Zidon, and whilst cargo was being taken in, the apostle, on parole presumably, was given leave to visit friends in the city and "receive attention." This break, or the long rest on board ship during the next few weeks, apparently did him a lot of good, for through the long and hazardous voyage now begun there is no further hint of disability.

[Resource Manager]

A slow journey

 

The next leg of the journey proved to be a tedious business. The north-westerly winds which usually die down towards the end of August persisted. A direct course to the Aegean was out of question. The only alternative was to make use of a steady westerly current and occasional land breezes round the east of Cyprus and then to hug the coast of Cilicia and Pamphylia. Even so, beating against the wind meant slow slow progress.

 

At the very important and busy port of Myra, reached fifteen days later (Bezan text), there was a big government corn ship from Egypt. It is highly unlikely that the ship's considerable divergence to call at Myra was by design. Most probably it had been blown seriously off course.

 

Here was alternative travel which very much appealed to centurion Julius. The big ship (v.37) offered a higher degree of comfort. But not only so either of the previous alternatives - via Cnidus and the Corinthian isthmus, or via Neapolis and overland on the Egnatian Way - meant transhipment or tedious and tiring march­ing geared to the slowest of the prisoners.

 

So with enthusiasm Julius got all his party on board the corn ship and blithely looked to be in Rome within a week or two.

 

What a rough disappointment was in store for him! It took "many days" of exasperatingly slow travel to work along the coast for 130 miles to Cnidus, but there the wind was strong and so adverse that it was impossible to make harbour. So the only alternative was to turn south-south-west for the western end of Crete so as to gain and use the shelter of that mountainous island.

 

Still the winds were difficult, and more time was lost making slow progress half-way along the island to Fair Havens, where the coast has several indentations (hence the plural). For some unspecified reason a fairly lengthy stay at Fair Havens was necessary, and it seems not unlikely that Paul used the opportunity to preach the Word in the near-by city of Lasea; otherwise there would be little point in Luke's mention of the place.

 

The season was now getting late (early or mid-October?). Paul and his friends had observed the Fast of the Day or Atonement, and in this part of the Medi­terranean about that time all sailing finished until the Spring. But with strong easterly winds expected, Fair Havens was not deemed as fair an anchorage as all that. So a ship's committee was called to discuss whether or not it would be wise to attempt sailing to the next port, called Phoenix, which offered much better shel­ter from the winter storms, and more pleasing facilities for a protracted stay.

 

A good deal of debate has gone on regarding the location of Phoenix, mainly due to a certain ambiguity in the Greek text. But, as it turned out, the point is academic, for the good ship never got there.

[Resource Manager]

Unheeded warning

 

Julius desired Paul to join in the discussion with the captain and pilot, either out of respect for the judgement of so widely-travelled a passenger (note 2 Cor. 11:25), or because his increasing friendship for Paul had stamped on his mind a conviction that there was a divine guidance in the life of this man that was not to be despised.

 

So far as can be judged, all the arguments for moving on to Phoenix were on the side of the professionals, and yet Paul insisted that it would be folly to leave Fair Havens: "Sirs, I perceive (literally: I behold) that if you leave this anchorage this voyage will be with hurt and much damage to the ship." How did he "per­ceive" this? - by particularly shrewd judgement? or through revelation?

 

The apostle's warning was over-ruled. Besides other advantages, Phoenix offered a better facility for re-fitting the ship.

 

What finally turned the scale was a sudden change of weather. "The south wind blew softly." A day's sailing in these almost ideal conditions would get them to Phoenix. So in a spirit of confidence the ship was worked out of harbour. Only a very short and terrifying life now remained to this ship of doom.

 

The role of Paul

 

Rackham has a very fine paragraph in which he forcefully presents the influence of Paul in the course of this voyage.

 

"Paul is the main subject throughout (this record). The narrative begins with his own physical weakness. Then he appears as a counsellor and a prophet, with his warnings and foresight of danger. In the crisis, like the rest he too falls into the deep of despair (though for others rather than himself), but as an intercessor he has recourse to prayer. Strengthened by a heavenly vision, he rises up to inspire his companions with courage. In the hour of danger he commands like a captain, like a priest he offers thanks to God, and like a deliverer brings them into a haven of safety" (Acts of the Apostles, page 476).

 

The parallel between Paul and Jonah is readily perceptible in this narrative:

 

Commissioned to preach to Gentiles, the man of God is involved in violent storm and shipwreck. By his wise recommenda­tion the entire ship's company is saved, but only through his going into the abyss and being saved out of it. And the outcome of a terrifying experience is an opportunity to testify to the truth of God in the greatest city in the world. It is difficult in places to sort out this parallel from the parallel between Paul and Christ (ch. 109) and also that between Jonah and Christ.

 

 

 

[Resource Manager]

Notes: 27:1-12

1. We. The text seems to imply that the proposition about Luke and Aristarchus was put to the governor, and approved by him. The Bezan text says Secundus travelled also.

Sail. This chapter has an astonishing diversity of Greek words for "sail" and also for "damage, loss." Other prisoners. Greek heteroi certainly implies "of a different sort"; cp. Lk. 23:32;Gal. 1:7 (many more examples). Augustus' band. Variously identified as (a) a commissariat corps; (b) a diplomatic corps; © a unit from Sebaste (see Gk.), the chief town in Samaria.

2. A ship of Adramyttium. The usual route to Rome was via Alexandria. "A prosperous journey"? (Rom. 1:10).

With us. A more emphatic preposition than in v.24.

3. Friends. Personal friends, surely, or wouldn't Luke have said "brethren" or "disciples"?

4. Under Cyprus. By contrast with the direct course (21:5) followed with favourable winds when going to Jerusalem.

8. Lasea. A corruption of thalassa (sea)? It has been fairly definitely identified as being 4 miles east of Lutro.

10. I perceive. Is it possible that Paul had been studying the very relevant Ps. 107:23-31, equating "their desired haven" with Fair Havens (s.w. in LXX), and therefore he judged it a flouting of the providence of God who had brought them safely so far?

Hurt. Used legally for violent personal damage.

Damage. The word means a fine, penalty, or tribute, (s.w. 2 Kgs. 23:33). Is Paul saying: "Move on from here, and you will pay for it'?

Also of our lives. By Paul's intercession this did not befall (v.24,44).

11. Believed. Rather: being persuaded.

Spoken. A continuous verb. Paul kept on saying it.

12. Phoenix; cp. Phoenicians. The sailors, being almost certainly Phoenicians, would have a superstitious prejudice for this harbour.

[Resource Manager]

105. "All hope taken away" (27:13-26)

 

The sudden change of wind and weather brought an equally sudden change in the spirit of the ship's company. With a neat double emphasis Luke's phrasing im­plies: "We're as good as there!"

 

But there was one immediate problem. For the first mile or two after leaving Fair Havens the ship was edging its way along a lee shore. After that the coast turned north, and there would then be no difficul­ty, for, once round the point, Phoenix lay north-west. So the ship's boat, (v.16) manned by lusty oarsmen, was given the task of keeping the big ship away from the rocks. In this they were only just success­ful. It was touch and go. For a while they were "really close," within speaking dis­tance of the shore.

 

Euroclydon

 

Then, all at once, there came another even more dramatic change of weather. A fierce gusty north-easter suddenly roared down on them from Crete's seven-thousand foot ridge of mountains. In less than a minute all was out of control. There was no time to get the boat in. And the pilot's instinctive manoeuvre to get the ship's bow round into the wind was frustrated from the start.

 

There was nothing else for it but to reef the cumbersome mainsail and, keeping only a foresail to aid control of the ship's steering, to "let her drive."

 

This mighty wind was known to the sailors by a special name-Euroclydon or, according to some manuscripts, Eur­aquilo. The textual critics have had their usual field-day over this divergence, and in the excitement seem to have over­looked that "-clydon" is the very word used in the Septuagint version for Jonah's storm (1:4). Since there are two other verbal contacts here with that record, this one can hardly be written off as fortuitous. Thus it may be taken as very likely that the familiar AV reading is correct.

 

Twenty-three miles from the coast of Crete, by dint of careful handling the ungainly vessel came in the lee of the small island of Cauda, today known as Kaudhos. Here there was not such a turbulent sea running, so at last it was possible to rescue the ship's boat and the poor wretches in it. Pulled in under the thwart of the parent ship, they had survived only by dint of frantic bailing.

[Resource Manager]

Safety measures

 

Another even more tricky operation had become urgently necessary. Before ever the great mainsail could be reefed, the initial effect of the mighty blast had been to create such terrific strains that the ship's timbers had started, and she was now taking water at a frightening rate. So in quieter waters strong ropes were passed under the ship's bow and worked into position near amidships. Then by means of a kind of outsize tourniquet they were tightened up to help hold the timbers together.

 

Then, as they drifted away from Cauda, there was exposure once again to the full fury of wind and sea. Now there was another great anxiety. The ship was drifting, as good as out of control, at a fearful rate. If the storm continued for two or three days there would be the frighten­ing hazard of the Syrtis sandbanks, some three hundred miles to the south-west. So the device, known to all yachtsmen, of using a drogue, was now brought into use. With the wind driving south-west the ship now drifted barely under control on a course that was roughly westerly.

 

Taking in more and more water, the stricken vessel was steadily losing buoyancy. How long before she would founder with all hands?

 

All that night the ship tossed and plunged. It was unmitigated misery for all on board. Next morning it was decided to attempt to lighten the ship by throwing the sodden cargo of wheat overboard. Through long hours a chain of the more able-bodied laboured at the task, with little perceptible result.

 

Next day all heavy equipment on board was likewise thrown over the side. Paul and his friends joined in this futile task. And still the gale roared past, sweeping them on into the unknown.

 

Day after day this misery continued and the danger intensified. It was wretched­ness such as they had never known. Most of the food on board was ruined or washed away. And fire for cooking was an utter impossibility. The ship's officers had no idea where they were, for in those early days the compass had not been invented, and under that heavy sky no glimpse of sun or stars or moon (in its last quarter) was to be had.

 

Prayer and its answer

 

As the ship leaked more and more, and became less and less manageable, hope gradually disappeared. Even Paul's robust confidence seemed to have evaporated. It need hardly be said that in these circumstances the apostle gave himself to intensely fervent prayer, not just for himself and for his friends, but also for all on board with them.

 

At last there came an answer from God, so explicit and reassuring as to change the outlook dramatically. An angel spoke to the apostle promising the personal safety of the entire company, 'for, Paul, you are not to forget that you must yet be a witness for the Lord Jesus before Caesar himself; your prayers have not gone ignored; God has granted you the life of every single person on board - as you shall see in a vision.' And thereupon Paul had a vivid revelation in which he saw a wild island coast, and the ship shattered on it.

 

Could any message be more hearten­ing? So when there came a slight easing in the intensity of the gale, Paul gathered sailors and soldiers and passengers together in the most sheltered part of the deck, and told them about his prayers and their outcome.

 

'My advice when we were in that Cretan harbour was not heeded - and now this dire situation! If I was right then, perhaps you will believe me to be telling you the truth now.'

 

There was no scepticism or mockery. Every soul on board was happy to be offered some ray of hope. And there was no doubt about the impression Paul's vigorous character had made on the mind of everyone.

 

"Wherefore, sirs, be of good cheer: for I believe God, that it shall be even as it was told me." And as Paul believed, so did they, and with lighter hearts and a more steadfast spirit of endurance they went to their tasks or to their patient enduring of cold and wretchedness.

[Resource Manager]

Notes: 27:13-26

13. South wind blew softly. The suddenness of the change is indicated by the Greek aorist.

Supposing. Greek dokeō is much more emphatic than this.

Obtained. Perfect tense implies: It is in our grasp.

Loosing means either (a) pulling up anchor, or (b) towing, taking in hand. 14. A tempestuous wind. From this Greek word comes "typhoon."

Euroclydon. Besides the link, already mentioned, with Jonah, there is (a) "God, whose I am, and whom I serve" (v.23 = Jon. 1:9);(b) "God hath granted thee. . ," (v.24 = 1:6); (c.) v. 38 "lightened the ship" = 1:15; (d) v.44 = 2:10; (e) v.43 = 1:15.

19. The tackling. This is hardly the right idea; s.w. 10:11: "great sheet." Presumably the drogue was a tough piece of sailcloth kept open by a wooden framework and towed behind the ship.

20. Saved. This or its equivalent comes eight times in this narrative: v.20, 31, 34, 43, 44; 28:1,4. And words for "loss, damage, kill" come 12 times.

21. O sirs (Gk.) In Acts this kind of apostrophe always comes in a situation charged with emotion.

Ye should have hearkened unto me. Not a deliberately unkind reminder, but to urge them to take notice now.

Gained. A very effective irony.

Harm and loss actually quotes his own words (v. 10).

22. No loss; v.24,34,44.

23. After 26:13 the centurion at any rate would readily believe this.

24. God hath given thee. Cp. Gen. 18:25-33.

25. A wonderful text of Scripture, very far-reaching in its power.

26. We must. For Malta's sake? or because this was the only way deliverance could be assured?

A certain island. The sailors would immediately begin working out which it might be.