Studies in the Acts of the Apostles

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Notes: 18:1 11

2. Aquila ... Priscilla. More about them in chapter 81.

Found seems to imply that Paul knew about these two, and was looking for them. The Bezan text adds: "Now Paul was known to Aquila." When, where, how did such an acquaintance begin?

Lately come. This adverb originally meant "newly killed in sacrifice," a meaning which Luke may have had his eye on in view of the persecution in Rome. The shape of the sentence seems to imply that Priscilla was not a Jewess.

3. Wrought. See the strong emphasis on this in Paul's speech and writing at this period: 20:34; 1 Cor. 4:12; 9:12,15; 2Cor. 11:9;12:13;1 Th. 2:9; 2 Th. 3:8.

They surely means that both man and wife were involved in the tent–making business.

5. Pressed in spirit. RV: constrained by the word might mean that the news brought from Macedonia about Jewish hostility there stirred Paul to indignant activity (Rom. 11:11–14). 1 Th. 3:7,8 suggests distress of some kind at this time.

Silas and Timothy. After this the only other allusions to Silas are 2 Cor. 1:19; 1 Pet. 5:12 (which was written much later). What happened to him meantime?

6. Opposed. Classically this word was used to describe hostile armies ranged against each other.

7. Justus, one that worshipped God. The home of this devout Gentile would be acceptable to Jews and Gentiles alike. Identification of Justus with Gaius has been suggested; not Rom. 16:23.

8. Crispus might be a Latinized form of a Hebrew name meaning "like the lightning (of the Lord)".

9,10 This sequence seems all wrong after v.8. Then did Luke insert these verses as explanation of how the success of v.7,8 came about?

9. Be not afraid, but speak. In Is. 57:18–58:1, phrase after phrase is apposite: "I will heal him (Paul's malaria?)... and will comfort (parakaleo) him, and will give him true comfort (paraklesis – signs and wonders by the Holy Spirit?) ... Peace, peace, to him that is far off (the gospel to the Gentiles), and to him that is near (the Jews)... But the wicked are like the troubled sea (Jewish opposition) ... whose waters cast up mire and dirt (their blasphemy). There is no peace, saith my God, to the wicked ('Your blood be upon your own heads'). Cry aloud, spare not, lift up thy voice like a trumpet." Compare also Jer. 15:19–21. This vision of Christ is mentioned here no doubt to vindicate Paul's apostleship which was more questioned at Corinth than anywhere; 1 Cor. 9:1,2; 2 Cor. 12:22).

10. Much people in this city. All told, 18 Corinthian names are known, but in this account Luke mentions only 3, an indication of how compressed this part of the narrative is. Note also: 1 Cor. 1:11–15; Rom. 16:5? 21 –23. (compare also Elijah's situation: 1 Kgs. 19:18).

11. Nearly all the next five years were spent at Ephesus and Corinth. The moral character of the ecclesia at Corinth comes out clearly in 1 Cor. 5 ; 6:9–20; 7:2,5,9; 10:8; 15:33,34; 2 Cor. 6:14; 7:1.

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79. Gallio (18:12–17)

 

In the Roman empire the usual day for provincial governors to take up office was July 1st. So the dramatic develop­ment centring round Gallio, the new proconsul, must have blown up nearly a year before the end of the year and a half of steady progress in the gospel work indicated by Luke (note the phrase: "tarried there yet a good while;" v.18).

 

The reference to Gallio as the new proconsul illustrates once again Luke's dependability in details of this sort. For since the Romans destroyed and then re–built Corinth, the form of government there, as the chief city of Achaia, had undergone several changes. It was only comparatively recently that Claudius had agreed to put Achaia under the rule of the senate by proconsuls.

 

The new governor

 

Gallio, the new appointee, was brother to the famous Stoic Seneca who was tutor to Nero and doubtless responsible for much of the excellent government in the early days of that infamous creature. Later Nero was to force Seneca and Gallio and another brother to commit suicide, possibly through the malign influ­ence of the royal courtesan Poppaea who was a proselyte to Judaism.

 

Gallio was a very gentlemanly and amiable character whom it was impossi­ble not to like. Because of ill–health he ruled Achaia for only a few years. It may be that when the uproar arose about Paul he was already a sick man, and that his low physical condition may have helped to decide his attitude to the problem.

 

Concerted action

 

The Jews in Corinth, now becoming more exasperated at the evident prog­ress of the new Faith not only in their own ranks but also specially among the Gen­tiles, decided that they could presume on Gallio's known mildness of character and inexperience of government to attempt bullying tactics. Some years later the Jews of Jerusalem went into action in similar though less drastic fashion when Festus appeared as new governor in Judaea (25:1,2).

 

After "much talking among themselves against Paul" (Codex Beza), they made a riotous assembly, grabbing Paul and hustling him into the agora where Gallio was sitting in judgement (the actual site of his judgement–seat has been identified). Did Paul wonder in bewildered fashion how this rough experience was to be reconciled with his Lord's assurance: "I am with thee, and no man shall set on thee to hurt thee?" It seemed impossible that he should now go unharmed, yet in fact that is what happened.

 

Why did the Jews not adopt the suc­cessful tactics used against Paul at Lystra and Thessalonica? Violent mob tactics and an accusation of inciting men to disloyalty to Rome would have to be taken notice of. The later hint that the Jews were in high disfavour with the rest of the populace may have meant that they themselves were regarded as dis­loyal citizens.

 

An unlawful religion!

 

So instead the gravamen of their charge before Gallio was this:

 

'We Jews have the special privilege throughout the empire of following the practices of our own religion (religio licita). This Paul teaches beliefs and a way of religious life contrary to our Law. Therefore he and his fellows are not covered by the special sanction accorded to Jews. Therefore his religious teaching is contrary to Roman law which proscribes any proselytizing from the religions already established.'

 

It was a calculated attempt to rush Gallio into a decision that Faith in Christ was not to be regarded as covered by the special privileges accorded to Jews. It may be that these Jews hoped that just as "Chrestus" riots in Rome had led to expulsions, so now Gallio would decree that Paul and all others who espoused the cause of this "Chrestus" should be thrust out of Achaia. But if so, they were surely skating on thin ice.

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An abrupt decision

 

This may have been the first time that Paul came up against what was to become one of the major problems of his later years – a calculated unscrupulous Jewish campaign to get preaching of the gospel about Jesus completely forbidden throughout the entire Roman empire.

 

He stepped forward, ready to speak in his own defence, and, very probably, intending there and then to appeal unto Caesar so that this important issue – the status of the Christian faith – might be officially clarified once and for all. But he was cut short by the proconsul who had already "done his homework" regarding such problems.

 

'Bring me a case involving wrong­doing or wicked villainy (i.e. infringement of civil or criminal law), and I'll put up with you Jews. But I am resolved to have nothing to do with your private religious squabbles involving your holy Book or your Law or this Chrestus. These petty matters I will not touch.'

 

And with that, he ordered the court to be cleared, leaving both Paul and his Jewish adversaries bitterly disappointed.

 

Mob violence

 

The Gentile section of the court crowd saw at once that Gallio shared their own contempt for the Jewish community. So with great gusto they seized Sosthenes, the successor to Crispus as president of the synagogue, and gave him a good beating there before the judgement seat, perhaps hoping that the disturbance they were creating might lead to banishment of Jews from Corinth by Gallio, as from Rome by Claudius. (But see notes). Gallio saw them at it, and neither said a word nor lifted a finger to restrain them (Bezan text). Doubtless he was saying to himself: 'This will keep the Jews of Corinth quiet for a good while to come, and thus will make my job easier.'

 

Thus "Gallio cared for none of these things." For centuries the words have been misread, to Gallio's detriment. They have become proverbial to describe the worldly man devoid of all religious in­stinct. But what is actually meant is that Gallio was not worried about the rough treatment meted out to Sosthenes. It is possible that Luke meant: "Gallio cared for none of these people" – neither clamant Jews nor violent Greeks nor preacher Paul; they were all beneath him. Yet how remarkable that one of the most cultured, eminent, popular, kindly men of that era should be known to succeeding generations by this simple line of Holy Scripture. And what a con­trast with Pilate's "wish to content the people" (Mk. 15:15)!

 

Sosthenes

 

Should there be sympathy with Sosth­enes in all this? That depends on whether or not he is to be identified with the Sosthenes, clearly a Corinthian brother, who was with Paul in Ephesus when 1 Corinthians was written (1:1).

 

If he is the same, then it is to be assumed that he suffered at the hands of the Greeks unworthily. The probability is that, through the influence of his de­moted predecessor Crispus, he was already inclined to the gospel; and if, knowing something of this, his fellow Jews were unsympathetic to his suffer­ing, this would accelerate his conversion. But it would also make his membership of the synagogue in Corinth impossible, so that when, soon after this, Paul left for Ephesus (v.18,19), Sosthenes would be glad to accompany him. His name, meaning "the man who was saved," only took on its real significance after that day in the agora.

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Notes: 18:12–17

12. With one accord. In Greek a very expressive word, evidently a favourite of Luke's. Compare its use in 7:57; 19:29; and contrast 1:14; 2:1,46; 4:24; 5:12; 12:20; 15:25; and Rom. 15:6, the only other NT. occurrence. Impressive LXX examples: Ex. 19:8; Jer. 5:5.

13. Persuadeth; s.w. Jer. 29:8 LXX only. Possibly this phrase should read: "persuadeth the men (of Corinth) to worship the God" (representing 'Chrestus' as a new god in the pantheon).

14. O Jews. In the N.T. this mode of address is always emotional – here, in contempt or anger?

15. Look ye to it. So also Pilate: Jn. 18:31. Contrast the intense interest of Sergius Paulus in these matters: 13:7.

16. Drave them. Cp. Pr. 25:5 which, in two Old Testament versions, has the same word.

17. RV follows a different group of manuscripts in reading: They all laid hold on Sosthenes, with no reference to Greeks. This reading is doubtful; but if correct it means that the Jews, flouting Gallio's judgement and exasperated with Sosthenes (perhaps because of his unwillingness to testify against Paul), took it out of him by a public beating. If so, this would greatly hasten his conversion – and emigration.

Took. A rough word.

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80. To Jerusalem and Antioch (18:18–23)

 

After the excitement before Gallio's judgement–seat Paul was in no hurry to leave Corinth, even though he was set on being in Jerusalem for the Day of Atone­ment. It wouldn't do to give either the Jews or the authorities in Corinth the impress­ion that because of opposition he was glad to clear out.

 

But after a while he made preparation to leave. He said his farewell to the brethren, presumably at a specially–called assem­bly, and then did the short journey of nine miles or so to Cenchrea, the port of Corinth.

 

Sickness at Cenchrea

 

There his plans were rudely interrupted by a fresh onset of illness – at least, this seems to be the hypothesis which best harmonizes certain significant details:

 

1. It was in Cenchrea where he cut his hair in token of a Nazirite vow. It has been suggested that this vow was in thanks to God for deliverance from danger in Corinth. But in that case, why wait until getting to Cenchrea before polling his head? On the other hand it is known (e.g. Jos. B.J.2.15.1) that Jews often made a thirty–day Nazarite vow in thanksgiv­ing for recovery from sickness.
   
2. "Phoebe our sister ... a servant of the church which is at Cenchrea ... hath been a succourer of many, and of myself also" (Rom. 16:1,2). Would not the most likely fulfilment of such a noble role be by nursing them back to health? Indeed, the word translated "succourer" was used in Athens of one who not only offered hospitality but also took on personal responsibility for the com­fort and well–being of the guests.

 

It seems fairly likely that Paul had one of his recurrent attacks of malaria– "weak­ness and much trembling" (1 Cor. 2:3; compare Acts 27:3 RV). This fight against ill–health makes all the more admirable the dedicated efforts of the apostle in his zealous propagation of the gospel.

 

Ephesus — a brief visit

 

On board ship Paul was accompanied by Priscilla and Aquila and, very probably, other brethren such as Timothy and Sosthenes. Aquila and his wife travelled only as far as Ephesus. Had they already concocted with Paul a plan for preaching the gospel in the province of Asia?

 

In Ephesus the Jews were a very important and influential community to whom significant civil privileges had been granted. When Paul put in an appearance at their synagogue he was well received, in the first instance doubtless because of his Nazarite vow. Indeed, when it was learned that his Biblical discussions could not be continued because of the planned journey to Jerusalem, there was much disappointment. That vow, which must necessarily be discharged at the temple, now saved Paul from much emotional tension, for, but for that obligation, how could he hope to resist the temptation to settle down in Ephesus to satisfy the eagerness there for his Biblical exposi­tions and Messianic message? Instead, then, these Ephesian Jews had to be content with his firm promise to return as soon as he could.

 

After all the violent Jewish opposition experienced at Thessalonica and Berea, and also on the first journey at Antioch, Iconium and Lystra, to Paul this en­couragement in the synagogue at Eph­esus must have been as heady as champagne. But, so the Greek text seems to imply, he shook his head vigorously in response to repeated attempts to per­suade him to stay. It is not difficult to imagine how, as he went on board ship again, he would be estimating what might be the earliest date at which he could return to this promising field of endeavour.

 

Yet, earlier on his second journey, when he and his party had headed towards Ephesus, they had been "forbid­den of the Holy Spirit to preach the word in Asia" (16:6). Now, apparently, circumst­ances were changed, and although the Providence of God still operated (through this vow) to make him leave Ephesus almost as soon as he had got there, he had now been given a green light to plan a big campaign in the near future.

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To Jerusalem — Why?

 

There is no indication as to why Paul was so specially anxious to be at Jeru­salem for the oncoming feast – the Day of Atonement, presumably. It seems fairly likely that the news of his vigorous preaching of the gospel to Gentiles had been so unsympathetically reported back in Jerusalem as to make the brethren there conclude that he had forsaken Judaism altogether (compare 21:21). An appearance in the temple in fulfilment of a Nazarite vow, and on one of the great holy days, would surely do much to settle such false rumours. As it turned out, Paul's hopes in this direction were not all realised.

 

That long slow sea voyage at the best time of the year would do Paul a lot of good. When at last he landed at Caesarea he was a fit man again. At this seaport there was not only Philip to welcome him, but also Cornelius and his Christian household and a good many more Roman converts to the Faith. But with little loss of time Paul did the sixty or more miles to Jerusalem.

 

This visit to the holy city must surely have been a big disappointment to him, for Jerusalem is not even mentioned by name; and the only detail given is that "he saluted the church." Yet, almost certain­ly, there would be conferences with the apostles, and detailed reports on the remarkable achievements of the past three years or so. And would he not be present at every possible meeting of the ecclesia whilst he was there?

 

The total absence of comment in this part of Luke's record either means that Luke had no access to information as to what happened in the course of that visit, or by his silence he expresses his dis­approval of the marked non–enthusiasm there for the successes Paul had achieved.

 

Soon the apostle was on the road to Antioch where he doubtless felt much more at home. Nevertheless he was anxious to return to Jerusalem, perhaps hoping to persuade the brethren there to a better attitude towards his Gentile mis­sions, perhaps with the intention of enlist­ing apostolic action against the steadily growing Judaist trend which was already doing so much to undermine his work overseas.

 

A puzzling reading

 

However, the Bezan text at Acts 19:1 has a remarkable addition which reads "Now when Paul was wishing, according to his own decision, to go to Jerusalem, the Spirit bade him return into Asia."

 

This can be read in either of two ways. It may mean that when Paul went up to Jerusalem from Caesarea (where Philip had four daughters who were prophetesses; 21:9), he received a re­velation which cut down his time in the holy city to a minimum and sent him forthwith back to Ephesus. Or else – and more likely – some prophet of the Lord in Antioch bade him abandon his intention of returning yet again to Jerusalem and instead sent him back to the work he had not long ago left in Asia and the West.

 

So since all long–distance sailing came to an end in October, he braved the crossing of the Taurus mountains via the Cilician Gates, possibly before the really hard weather came on in that region, or, after wintering in Antioch and Tarsus, in the next Spring as soon as the early thaw made travel practicable.

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Galatia again

 

This route gave opportunity to re–visit the ecclesias founded in the course of the first journey, "strengthening all the disci­ples." There was not one of them who would not find Paul's visit a tonic. And the force of that earlier nefarious inroad of the Judaist brethren had now been nulli­fied.

 

It was in the course of this journey that Paul first began to put big emphasis on his great practical scheme for welding Jewish and Gentile brethren into a harmonious Body of Christ. Nearly all the Gentile ecclesias were markedly better off than their poverty–stricken brethren in Judaea. Then since they had profited so largely from the spiritual blessings flowing to them from Jewry, was it not a small thing that they reciprocate by donating a share of their material prosperity?

 

So Paul appointed (1 Cor. 16:1: "gave order" is a bit too strong) that there should be weekly collections for this purpose at the Breaking of Bread service. And apparently, with the one exception of dilatory Corinth (2 Cor. 9:1–4), this worthy idea was put in train with diligence and enthusiasm.

 

At last Paul came to Ephesus again, having travelled some fifteen hundred miles on foot as the first part of his third missionary journey! Rackham insists that it is more correct to regard this third journey as beginning from Paul's first visit to Ephesus (18:19) – the visit to Jeru­salem and all else that Paul accomplished in the course of this long travel being of subsidiary importance compared with what was now to flourish in the province of Asia. Certainly Luke's meagre reporting (18:22,23) suggests this kind of assess­ment.

 

 

Notes 18:18–23

18. Into Syria. So Paul's ship was almost certainly making for Antioch. But because of his vow and the Feast he meant to attend, the apostle did not stay there, but forthwith took a coasting vessel to Caesarea.

A vow. The Nazarite vow proscribed wine and strong drink. What would Paul do about taking the Wine at the weekly Agape? From now on there is no lack of indication that by observance of the Law Paul was set on proving to his fellow–Jews that he was still a Jew: 20:16,16;21:26;27:9;1 Cor.9:20. Grammatically the sentence reads as though it was Aquila who made the vow, But there is no hint of a reason why he should. And if he did, then why did not he go to Jerusalem?

19. It would be absurd to read into this verse a hint of a cleavage between Paul and these fine friends of his. Of course they too "entered into the synagogue,'' but Paul did this as a preacher intent on using even a passing opportunity. The "well–beloved Epaenetus" was probably the first convert made in Ephesus soon after Paul left. (Rom. 16:5 RV).

Reasoned. Gk. aorist suggests a one–off effort, sounding the prospects in Ephesus.

21. Sailed from Ephesus. This Greek passive may indicate a further directive by the Spirit that he was not to change his plan, however much tempted to do so, of going direct to Jerusalem.

22. Landed. Literally: "came down" (out of the ship), followed by he went up (RV) might suggest that the writer of these words put them on paper at Caesarea; in other words, Luke wrote this part of his narrative when in Caesarea with Paul (24:27; 27:1 – we).

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81. Aquila, Priscilla, and Apollos (18:24–28)

 

Whilst Paul was journeying to Jerusalem and returning, the two good friends he had left at Ephesus were busy establishing a new ecclesia there. The travels and usefulness of this remarkable couple, only very briefly touched on in Acts and Epistles, are worth reviewing.

1. Aquila was a Jew from the remote north–eastern province of Pontus, and, like Paul, a tent–maker.
   
2. Priscilla is the rather affectionate diminutive form of the name Prisca which strongly suggests that she was a member of the high Roman family of the Prisci. This might account for the unexpected order of their names, for, three times out of six, the wife is named before her husband. The alternative is to see in this a sugges­tion of superior ability on her part.
   
3. How did two individuals so different in origin and social status come to marry? Probably – though it is only a guess – business took Aquila to Rome, where he not only learned Faith in Christ but also met a fellow–convert with whom he fell in love.
   
4. The decree of Claudius (18:2) chased these two out of Rome. Probably they were singled out for expulsion because of their prominen­ce in the "Chrestus" controversies. There is a possible hint that they came to Corinth as newly–weds (see ch.78).
   
5. In Corinth they teamed up with Paul and were a great reinforcement to his campaign there (18:2,3).
   
6. Two years or so later, along with Paul, they crossed over to Ephesus, and stayed on there when Paul took ship for Judaea (18:18,19).
   
7. In Paul's absence the work went forward at Ephesus, the first of their converts being Epaenetus (Rom. 16:5RV). But affection for their brethren lately brought to the Faith in Corinth never flagged. "Aquila and Priscilla salute you much in the Lord, with the church that is in their house" 1 Cor. 16:19).
   
8. Then came Apollos, and with what ability and eagerness did they show him a better Faith than he knew (18:24–28).
   
9. Before long they were back in Rome (Rom. 16:3), Paul on his third jour­ney sending them his greetings and affectionate remembrances. Why the return to Rome? Possibly because of danger threatening from Ephesian riots which had Paul and his faithful helpers at the centre of the vortex.
   
10. It is very likely (see: "Why Paul wrote Romans," by H.A.W.) that it was both human incentive and Holy Spirit gui­dance in Aquila and Priscilla which goaded Paul to write his greatest epistle – to an ecclesia which at that time he had not yet visited.
    
11. The last direct New Testament men­tion of these two (2 Tim. 4:19) is Paul's farewell greeting to them shortly before he died in the Nero persecution. At the time he wrote they were back in Ephesus, driven there doubtless by the savage persecution by Nero which swept away not only Paul and Peter but also many of their brethren.
    
12. There is a fair likelihood that these two were the joint authors of the Epistle to the Hebrews. The evidence for this is at least as good as that for Pauline authorship.
    
13. A not too secure early church tradi­tion says that Aquila and Priscilla had a son called Pudens (definitely not the Pudens of 2 Tim. 4:21).
    
14. One of the best Greek versions of the Old Testament was done round ab­out the end of the first century by a certain Aquila of Pontus. The same?
    
15. A very ancient catacomb in Rome has always borne the name: The cemetery of Priscilla.
    

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The character of Apollos

 

Paul may have been still on his way to Jerusalem when there appeared in the synagogue at Ephesus a certain Apollo­nius (so, Codex Beza) from Alexandria. This brilliant Jew was what Luke calls a logios man. In translating this the experts swither between "learned" and "elo­quent," but from New Testament usage it seems equally possible that this was Luke's way of saying that he was "a Bible man."

 

It is impossible even to guess at what brought Apollos to Ephesus. Can he have been a missionary full of zeal for the good news he has been taught (by catechism) concerning the message of John the Baptist? Unlike those disciples of John (19:1–6) whom Paul encountered later on (see next chapter), Apollos had been very well and accurately instructed, and now he was intent on disseminating this prophetic message with all the fluency and force at his command.

 

In describing the work of Apollos Luke uses more emphatic language than he ever employs to describe the preaching of Paul, so there must surely have been something quite extraordinary about his personality and evangelism. He was "mighty in the Scriptures" and he "mighti­ly convinced" the Jews whom he took on in debate.

 

But although so "boiling in spirit", Apollos knew only "the baptism of John." He had faithfully and accurately learned the gospel of repentance taught by John: 'Messiah is coming soon. Therefore pre­pare the way of the Lord.' In itself this was a good message, but how much better it would be now to be able to tell men: That Messiah John proclaimed has now come. He has bequeathed to us matchless teaching. He has suffered and died as the Lamb of God to take away the sin of the world. He has risen from the dead and has ascended into heaven to minister there a new and better priesthood than men have yet known. One day he will come again as King and Judge of all, the Messiah to whom John pointed.'

 

How had the word concerning Jesus of Nazareth by–passed Apollos? It is difficult to surmise. But as Priscilla and Aquila listened with pleasure to his eloquent and wholesome discourses in the synagogue, their delight in his powerful handling of the Scriptures was marred by the realisation of the existence of a large black hole in his religious knowledge.

 

So these two invited him to their home. There they capably filled in the blanks in his understanding concerning Jesus, showing him "the Way of God" more perfectly. What an experience it must have been for him to move swiftly and easily into the light and warmth of the fuller message now imparted. And what a delightful task it must have been to his two new friends to have such an alert, well–equipped and enthusiastic pupil!

 

In his preaching John had made great use of the prophecy in Isaiah 40: "Pre­pare ye the Way of the Lord; make his paths straight." This theme – the Way of the Lord – Aquila and Priscilla now took up with thoroughness for Apollos's benefit. It is not difficult to imagine them ranging through that remarkable catena of Messianic prophecies in Isaiah, all of them about The Way (40:3,14; 35:8; 30:21; 57:14; 62:10; 42:16,24), and then going on to the other Scriptures John had made such powerful use of (Isaiah 53; Malachi 3).

 

And the fine quality in the character of Apollos came out in the way in which he, already a man of learning and reputation, accustomed to be "a guide of the blind, a teacher of babes," now sat at the feet of these two and suffered himself to be taught a better way, a fuller knowledge. There is no mention of his baptism, for the baptism he had already received was valid (see "Studies in the Gospels," ch. 16). Now he was equipped to undertake, even more enthusiastically, an evangel­ism far surpassing any he had proclaimed so far.

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Preaching in Corinth

 

At this moment (according to the Bezan text) there were in the new ecclesia certain brethren from Corinth who saw in Apollos great possibilities of reinforce­ment for their ecclesia back home. So they set about persuading him to make Corinth his next centre of activity. At last he agreed, and travelled thither equipped with a letter of recommendation from the brethren.

 

So when at last Paul got back to Ephesus, Apollos was already in the thick of a strenuous campaign amongst the Jews of Corinth. Going all out (Gk. at full strength), he "kept on vigorously arguing down" the Jews who opposed his mes­sage that Messiah had indeed come and was none other than Jesus of Nazareth.

 

Thus the ecclesia in Corinth was fortified and increased yet more in numbers through the eloquent witness made by this fine new protagonist for the gospel. These must have been exciting days.

 

 

Notes: 18:24–28

24. Apollos. It has been suggested that this short account was included in Luke's "Acts of Paul" in order to explain the allusions in 1 Cor. 1–4. It also helps to account for the phenomenal growth of the Truth in Ephesus, for the work of Apollos would be very effective in breaking the ice for Paul's campaign there immediately afterwards.

25. Mighty. In all the record concerning Ephesus there is a great piling–up of words for power: 18:28; 19:8,11,16, 17,20, 27, 28, 34, 35; Eph. 1:19 (2), 21; 2:2; 3:7,20; 6:10. Compare also this description of Apollos with 7:22.

Fervent. Boiling, and yet refreshing; 1 Cor. 3:6.

In the spirit. Not Holy Spirit (for at this time he knew only the baptism of John). Therefore, "fervent in disposition." RV: the things concerning Jesus. If this reading can be received (which is doubtful), then it means that Apollos was expounding truth concerning Jesus from the Old Testament without realising who he was talking about.

26. This verse is perhaps Luke's quiet rebuke of 1 Cor. 3:3–6.

27. Note here the distinction made between brethren (the elders?) and disciples (the new converts made by Priscilla and Aquila?.

Them ... which had believed through grace. Here, most probably, grace means the Holy Spirit (in Paul); other examples of this meaning: Eph. 4:7; 3:8; Gal. 2:9; Rom. 1:5; 12:3,6; Lk. 4:22.

28. Mightily. In the New Testament the same word comes only in Lk. 23:10. In LXX see Josh. 6:8; Ecc. 7:7. The humility of the character of Apollos comes out very beautifully in the way in which, when his popularity among the brethren at Corinth grew to dangerous proportions, he withdrew to Ephesus, and would not readily give way to Paul's persuasions that he return to Corinth (1 Cor. 16:12).

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82. Disciples of John (19:1–7)

 

At some time after Apollos's departure for Corinth. Paul arrived in Ephesus, having spent a good while with the Galatian churches and wherever he knew of believers in the high hinterland.

 

Luke implies that, soon after his arrival, he encountered a group of Jews who were happy to call themselves disciples of John the Baptist. It may seem strange that neither Aquila nor Apollos had come across them. But it is to be remembered that Ephesus was a big city and that very probably these Baptists had formed their own small exclusive synagogue (hence the mention of "twelve", for over long centuries the recognized minimum for a synagogue has been ten men; Zech. 8:23). It is not unlikely that groups of John's followers now existed in a fair number of cities throughout the empire, and it may be that when Apollos first came to Ephesus he had been sent on a mission aimed at co–ordinating all such.

 

The incident now described in Acts 19 has been subject to such diverse inter­pretations that it becomes desirable be­fore proceeding with other details, to establish just what was the meaning and purpose of the baptism John instituted.

 

Because the text uses the phrase: "baptism of repentance" (genitive of origin!), it has often been assumed that this rite was simply an outward sign of a personal resolve to turn over a new leaf. This, as will now be shown, is a most inadequate interpretation.

 

Rather, John's baptism is to be seen as essentially Christian baptism, with all the meaning that the New Testament gives to Christian baptism. In fact, there is only one distinction between the two, and that a relatively unimportant one, namely, that whereas since Pentecost Christian bapt­ism has looked back to the death and resurrection of the Lord, John's baptism necessarily looked forward to it. The earliest Christian baptisms (Jn. 3:22; 4:1,2) must similarly have had this ele­ment of anticipation in their significance.

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The fairly copious relevant evidence can now be set out:

1. The Pharisees asked John: "Why baptizest thou then ...?" That is, what right have you to institute a new religious ordinance? This point answers categorically the assertion often made (without evidence) that John was copying a Pharisaic rite already administered to new con­verts. This baptism, quite distinct from religious washing (as at Khum­ran), was a completely new thing.
   
2. John's baptism was "for the remis­sion (i.e. forgiveness) of sins" (Mk. 1:4; Lk. 3:3). It is the very phrase used for baptism into Christ (Acts 2:38) and with reference to the Breaking of Bread service (Mt. 26:28). But there is no forgive­ness possible apart from faith in Christ. So the two baptisms must be essentially the same. This point by itself may be regarded as decisive. But there is a good deal more.
   
3. The puzzle presented by that strange plural: " the doctrine of baptisms" (Heb. 6:2) is now elucidated. Two baptisms which are really one and the same. Of the Hebrews receiving this epistle, some would have re­ceived the one rite (from John) and some the other (from Jesus or an apostle). It was immaterial.
   
4. It has been suggested that in the early part of his ministry John had used a baptismal formula something like this: "I baptize you into the promised Lamb of God that taketh away the sin of the world" (Is. 55:6,7). Then, when Jesus be­gan his ministry and had been identi­fied to John by the Spirit at his baptism (Jn. 1:32,33), the Baptist had only to say: "Behold the Lamb of God that taketh away the sin of the world," and the baptism which was already meaningful now became yet more eloquent.
   
5. The beginning of Mark's gospel is very significant: "The beginning of the gospel of Jesus Christ," and then the next seven verses are all about John's preaching and specially about the baptism people received from him.
   
6. 6. When John declared: "But that he should be manifest to Israel, there­fore am I come baptizing with water" (Jn. 1:31), did he mean: Unless I teach Israel to repent there will be no Messiah manifest to the nation? If so, why did he say: "I am come baptizing with water," and not: "I am come requiring national repentance"? Then it is possible that he meant: "I am making Messiah manifest to you in the baptism which you learn and receive from me?"
   
7. "The law and the prophets were until John: since that time the kingdom of God is preached..." (Lk. 16:16). So John belonged to the New Dispensa­tion, not the Old – in token of which he was a priest who had nothing to do with the temple. But if repentance only was the gist of his teaching, in what respect was he better than the Old Testament prophets who just as trenchantly taught the same? But this baptism added a new dimension.
   
8. The inspired prophecy of Zacharias surely means what it says: "Thou, child, shall be called the prophet of the Highest... to give knowledge of salvation unto his people in the remission of sins" (Lk. 1:76,77).
   
9. The two baptisms are mentioned in adjoining verses (Jn. 3:22,23), not for the sake of contrast – how could they be that? – but to equate the two in meaning. The context supports this view: John is "the friend of the bridegroom rejoicing greatly because of the bridegroom's voice." This also explains why Jesus said to Nicodemus: "We speak that we do know, and testify that we have seen" (3:11).That pronoun is not an editor­ial or regal "we". Nor can it mean Jesus and his disciples, for up to this time the apostles had neither "seen" nor "testified" at all. Jesus must have meant himself and John.
   
10. "Thus (by my baptism) it becometh us to fulfil all righteousness" (Mt. 3:15). Did Jesus need a baptism of repentance. ? Clearly, no! But hav­ing come "in the flesh," he needed the benefit of his own sacrifice here foreshadowed by burial in and resur­rection from water. And it was a baptism administered by John.
    
11. There is no hint anywhere of the Twelve, of whom at least some were first of all disciples of John, being re–baptized. Yet Jesus spoke of them as already "bathed" (Jn. 13:10), "already clean" (15:3). And in the episode of the tribute money he spoke of the Twelve as "children" of his Father, by contrast with the nation who were "strangers" (Mt. 17:26).
    

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These copious indications build up into a fairly strong case, made all the stronger by complete lack of evidence for any alternative.

 

There is no indication as to how Paul first met the little group of John's followers at Ephesus. But from the outset, in harmony with the foregoing, they are referred to as "disciples" and "believers" (Gk.), neither of which terms is ever applied to any except true followers of Christ.

Paul's enquiry as to their lack of Holy Spirit experience may have sprung from doubts regarding their contact with an apostle with authority to impart the gift to them. His surprise must have been con­siderable on hearing their rejoinder: 'Holy Spirit? we heard nothing about it' (that is, when instructed for baptism – so the Greek text implies).

 

Yet John had certainly emphasized in his teaching the certainly of a Messianic outpouring of Holy Spirit power (Lk. 3:16.) So the conclusion seems inescapable that these men had not learned their faith from John at first–hand, but had actually been imperfectly in­structed by someone else. Then, if bapt­ism is an "obeying from the heart that form of doctrine delivered you" (Rom. 6:17), what was their baptism worth?

 

So, very tactfully, Paul proceeded to intimate that a true union with the Messiah must depend on a proper knowledge of him and his teaching.

 

This they humbly recognized, and so, after further instruction, they all received a new and now thoroughly adequate baptism.

 

Then followed an apostolic laying–on of hands (as in 8:17), and Ephesus now experienced its own Pentecost as their newly–received charismata bore witness to their fellow–Jews in the city (1 Cor. 14:21,22).

 

Why should Luke, usually so precise in details of this sort, now lapse into approximation: "all the men were about twelve (in number)"?

 

The "twelve" is surely intended to underline that these were now part of the New Israel. But whereas in their conventi­cle synagogue only the numbers of men reckoned, now in Christ their women and also their servants and older children had a like status – "all one in Christ Jesus."

 

It is noteworthy that in the earlier account of Apollos "knowing only the baptism of John" there is no hint of re–baptism being insisted on. The reason for this difference is supplied indirectly: already "he spake and taught accurately the things of the Lord." All Apollos needed was to understand that the Messiah about whom he had learned through John was Jesus of Nazareth, risen from the dead. This knowledge validated completely the baptism he had already received. Nor is there any mention of him receiving the gift of the Spirit, for Aquila (himself doubtless enjoying the gift) was not an apostle, and before Paul came to Ephesus, Apollos had already moved on to Corinth.

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83. Diligent Progress at Ephesus(19:8–10)

 

Paul, as was his wont, made his first big effort at Ephesus in the synagogue. Here there was no attempt to employ the softly–softly technique first tried out at Corinth (18:4, Bezan text). Now, from the outset, emphasis was strongly on the Messianic kingdom with Jesus as its king. On the theme of the kingdom he could always count on a hearing from Jews, even though the identification of the Messiah with Jesus was usually resented.

 

The phrase: "reasoning and persuad­ing" (Bezan text: "with great power") sums up the method employed. This significant word "reasoning" (out of the Scriptures) comes no less than eight times in chapters 17–21. There is no mistaking the present emphasis on this method in Paul's preaching: free Biblical discussion – and the result: a steady stream of conversions.

 

These Jews in Ephesus were better material than Paul had encountered in most other cities. At Antioch he had abandoned them as hopeless after the second sabbath (13:44). At Thessalonica his effort with the Jews lasted only three weeks (17:2). But here in Ephesus it was a full three months before Jewish opposi­tion crystallized out.

 

More Jewish opposition

 

The hardening of opinion against the gospel was confined to a minority section of the synagogue congregation. There was no general move to exclude Paul because of his current activities. So the opposition adopted the tactics Paul had endured at other places. There were plots against him (20:19RV), presumably to seize and beat him; and to further these amiable intentions Gentile roughs were made use of (so says the Bezan text).

 

With the majority of the Jews still tolerant of his preaching, Paul was not the man to be put off by calumny and threats.

 

So it may be presumed that the apostle's abandonment of the synagogue and withdrawing his disciples to a separate meeting hall was primarily for the benefit of these new converts and possibly on their strong insistence, so that their spiritual re–education might proceed un­hindered by controversial clashes or the atmosphere of hostility and horrid blas­phemy generated by some.

 

The school of Tyrannus

 

Paul's new "synagogue" was the school of Tyrannus, about whom nothing is known. He may have been a convert or sympathizer, or – as has been suggested – he was the original founder of this place of assembly, and the name had stuck.

 

The Greek word scholē originally meant "leisure," then it came to be applied to "leisure activities," and be­cause of the Greek fondness for listening to oratory the word was used also for "a lecture room" as the place in which to spend one's leisure, listening to oratory. It is known that there were five such gymnasia in Ephesus. Codex Beza says specifically that in this "meeting room" Paul taught "from the fifth to the tenth hour," that is, most probably, from 11 a.m. to 4 p.m. This was during the heat of the day when the lecture room was not wanted for other purposes and when those who were eager enough to bestir themselves during siesta time were also free to attend.

 

This new departure was not without its advantages, for whereas at the synago­gue there was an "open door" only three times in the week, Paul could now proclaim the truth in Christ every day.

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Dedicated effort

 

When not so occupied, this man of unflagging drive and inexhaustible energy was also busy "teaching you (the brethren). .. from house to house, con­tinuing to testify (even to his converts!) repentance toward God, and faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ" (20:20,21).

Also, he found time to work at his tent–making, no doubt once again in partnership with Aquila: "These hands have ministered unto my necessities, and to them that were with me. I have shewed you all things, how that so labouring ye ought to support the weak" (20:34,35). Paul was no mere academic Christian.

 

This strenuous work went on for two full years. Indeed, with the three months of synagogue activity now behind him (v.8) and the further "season" (v.22) of preaching before the great riot blew in like a hurricane, Paul's campaign in Ephesus went on continuously for nearly three years (20:31).

 

During most of this period the apostle had a worthy team of helpers to reinforce his efforts. The list of names traceable of those associated with the Ephesian cam­paign is impressive: Timothy, Titus, Eras­tus, Tychicus, Trophimus, Priscilla and Aquila, Apollos (1 Cor. 16:12), Epaene­tus, Onesiphorus, and a team of "elders" (20:17). Very probably, also, there were such individuals on the scene as Hyme­naeus, Alexander, Phygellus, Her­mogenes – ominous names!

 

No wonder Luke is able to sum up (with what tantalising brevity) that "all they which dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord Jesus, both Jews and Greeks." There was no gainsaying the truly catholic character of the preaching. This was a message of salvation for all men without distinction of race or social status.

 

The wide diversity of humanity now being gathered in by the gospel net made it desirable, and perhaps necessary, that in his later encyclical epistle (now called "Ephesians") Paul should emphasize the lovely "unity" themes of the One Body, Christ and his Bride, and the Temple of God with its Fulness of Glory.

 

It would be during this period that the seven churches of Asia came to be established. Hierapolis, Troas, and Col­osse can also be added to the list, this last largely as a result of Timothy's efforts? (Col. 1:1). It is often assumed (from Col. 2:1) that Paul never visited Colosse in person; but this seems to be an incredible as well as illogical conclusion, for the tone of the two epistles sent there suggests both intimate knowledge and a degree of authority Paul would be hardly likely to assume in addressing an ecclesia he had not fathered.

There is no evading the truth, so strongly underlined at this time, that away from Judaea the biggest successes in the preaching work came after Paul made a break with the local synagogue (cp. 13:44–48; 18:7–10; 28:23–28; 1 Cor. 16:9; and the implications behind 14:6,7; 1 Th. 1:8; 2 Cor. 1:1).

 

It was probably during this period that the apostle wrote his First Letter to the Corinthians. But there is room for uncer­tainty whether, after writing it, he found time also for a quick trip across the Aegean to re–visit that ecclesia in person. Certain details in 2 Corinthians 12:14; 13:1) can be read as implying that he did, but it may be a more correct inference (from 1:15–17) that although he planned and actually intimated his intention to make this second visit, he was prevented from doing so, only to find himself the butt of unworthy sneers about being a weathercock.

 

It is interesting to observe that in his preaching at Ephesus, Paul seems to have eschewed denunciation of Ephesian magic and idolatry, even though this restraint called for a good deal of iron self–control on his part. He and his colleagues were described as "neither robbers of temples, nor yet blasphemers of our goddess" (19:37). Indeed, Paul seems to have been highly esteemed by the local authorities (19:31). This policy at Ephesus contrasts markedly with his readiness elsewhere to expose the futility of all idol–worship (14:15; 17:29).

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Peril

 

Even so, for whatever reason, no little opposition and hardship came his way, as several passages testify:

 

"If after the manner of men I have fought with beasts at Ephesus .. ." (1 Cor. 15:32) may be a figurative allusion to hostility from the mob on some earlier occasion than the big riot.

 

"A great door and effectual is opened unto me and there are many adversaries" (1 Cor. 16:9).

 

"Priscilla and Aquila ... for my life laid down their own necks: unto whom not only I give thanks, but also all the churches of the Gentiles (for saving their beloved apostle)" (Rom. 16:3,4). Here is another tantalising allusion which cannot be filled out. Was it that this wonderful couple went bail for Paul when he was hauled up before the authorities, or was there some signal joint act of bravery which rescued him from a bad situation? Paul may have felt constrained to be so brief, but why, Luke, did you?

 

"We would not, brethren, have you ignorant of our trouble which came to us in Asia, that we were pressed out of mea­sure, above strength (NIV: far beyond our ability to endure), insomuch that we despaired even of life" (2 Cor. 1:8). This is grim language.

 

Probably some of the dire phraseology of 2 Cor. 11 belongs to this period: "in labours more abundant, in stripes above measure ... in deaths oft. .. perils in the city..."

 

 

Notes:19:8–10

8. Luke's interest in precise numbers shows up clearly in this chapter: v.7, 8, 10, 14, 19. In a detailed analysis of this and succeeding chapters Rackham traces: a. copious Hebraisms, b. much characteristic Pauline phraseology.

9. Hardened, The relevance of Pr. 21:29 is worth considering; and also Ps.95: "our Saviour... a great king over all gods (inc. Diana of the Ephesians)... the ends of the Land (Israel) are in his hand, and the heights of the mountains (Jerusalem) are his ... harden not your hearts ... saw my works (special miracles by the hands of Paul)... forty years (A.D. 30–70) was I grieved with this generation ..."

The Way. The recurrence of this earlier name for The Truth is interesting. See 9:2 etc. It is the Jewish equivalent of Halachah, the "how to walk" (1 Th.4:1).

Separated. The word used about sheep and goats (Mt. 25:32). Compare the shepherd theme in Acts 20:28; Eph. 4:11.

The disciples. Up to this point they had continued their adherence to the synagogue! Cp. 10:26. The school of Tyrannus. This may have been an actual school, for usually school hours ran from sun–rise to 11 o'clock. In that case Tyrannus may have been the nickname given to their mentor by the boys!

10. All in Asia. What a contrast with 2 Tim. 1:15!

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84. Miracles and Magic at Ephesus (19:11–20)

 

One of the most thriving industries in the first century Roman Empire was magic and sorcery. In this field Ephesus was unsurpassed. Wonder–working was, of course, a main element in this quackery. So the Holy Spirit went into competition with the battalions of unscrupulous rogues who battened on the superstition of the public: "God wrought special miracles by the hands of Paul." These were "no ordinary miracles" (RV). In Ephesus, the ordinary variety were fakes, every one of them. The continuous stream of wonders now worked through Paul was not at all in that category, and soon the entire city knew this.

 

Remarkable healings

 

One of the results of this growing fame was an inevitable surge of superstition which attached not only sanctity but also divine power to anything associated with the apostle. As events were soon to show (v.18,19), in this superstition–ridden city a fair number of those who had already come to faith in Christ had not yet succeeded in shrugging off completely the ignorant thinking of former days. Sweat rags and work aprons used by the apostle in his tent–making were now and then quietly filched away and taken to the bedside of sick folk, with the amazing result that a wide diversity of healings took place. Whether these were merely sub­jective, or whether the Holy Spirit was using such occasions to nurture a dim imperfect faith into the real thing, it is hard to say. When superstition begins to focus on God and His work the transformation to real faith has begun. These sick people could not come to Paul, so (the interme­diaries doubtless reasoned) why should not he come to them by such means as these? It may be that the disciples who gave encouragement to these extraordin­ary activities found themselves dwelling on the treasured accounts of how a woman came in the crowd to touch the hem of Christ's garment (Mt. 9:20), and of how it needed the faith of four friends to bring to the Lord one who otherwise would never have had access to his healing power (Mk. 2:3).

 

The Miracles of Peter and Paul

 

The resemblance between these hap­penings and the healing of the sick by the shadow of Peter (5:15) has often been remarked upon. But this is only one detail in an extended parallel between the experiences of the two great apostles:

	Peter	Paul
A lame man	3:2	14:8
Demons	5:16	16:18
Imprisonment and dramatic release	12:7	16:25
Imparting the Holy Spirit by the laying on of hands	8:17	19:6
Healing by unusual means	5:15	19:12
followed by great fear	5:5,11	19:17
Healing of a well–known Gentile	9:33	28:8
The dead raised	9:36	20:9
A heavenly vision	10:11	9:3
The exercise of divine judgement against evil	5:11	13:8
Conversion	10:1ff	9:1ff
Blamed by Judaists	11:1ff	15:1ff
Apostle to the Gentiles	10:45	11:18
Given a sign of martyrdom	Jn. 21:18	21:10,11

 

It is easy to see that the similarity extends to a good deal more than the working of miracles. Nor can there be much doubt that Luke framed his narra­tive so that the reader would be repeated­ly reminded how closely alike the two men were in their work for the Lord.

 

A very sensational happening now took place at Ephesus so as to leave the entire population awe–struck.

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The sons of Sceva

 

Exorcism of "evil spirits" was a normal activity in the money–making routine of the wonder workers battening on the superstition of this benighted city. This kind of thing, so Josephus relates, was a practice which had been taken up amongst the Jews – with great enthu­siasm on the one hand, and great duplicity on the other, so Ephesus had its own special Jewish coterie of experts in the art of casting out devils. These mountebanks were not above indulging in a little blasphemy if it would make their show so much more impressive. Indeed the Tal­mud has given encouragement to this kind of fraudulence by telling how Moses slew the Egyptian and Elisha brought destruction to the young men of Bethel by using the Covenant Name of God (as though the power lay in the utterance of that "ineffable" Name). And there has come to light at least one magical papyrus which includes the words: "I adjure thee by the God of the Hebrew Jesus."

 

So the unprincipled Jewish rogues busy in this field at Ephesus harnessed the now reputable name of Jesus to their nefarious ploy. In particular there was a certain Sceva, a chief priest, that is, probably the leader of one of the temple's twenty–four courses of priests – who had seven sons prominently active in this dirty work. These were already highly re­spected because they were Jews (and therefore experts at the trade), because of their distinguished father, and because there were seven of them (was not this the perfect holy number?). Now they sought to snatch yet more spiritual kudos by adding the illustrious names of Jesus and Paul to their catalogue of invocations. Two of them (v.16RV) went in to a local lunatic (possessed with "an evil spirit"), making an impressive adjuration in the name of "Jesus whom Paul preacheth." Perhaps the man flew into an uncontroll­able rage because he knew that he was being imposed on. Certainly, thanks perhaps to earlier experience when he was more sane, he seems to have realised that these knaves really had nothing to do with Paul, for he roared at them: "Jesus I recognize (as having control over demons), and Paul I know (as his accredited representative); but who are ye?" With that, he leapt at them, clawing savagely at their fine impressive robes. Before they could get away, he gave both of them such a beating that, when at last they did escape, their garments were in shreds and themselves battered and bleeding as they staggered away to safety. Luke doesn't even trouble to add that the demoniac was then cured of his disability by the power of Christ. But of course he was. The situation surely required this conclusion.

 

Impact on others

 

In very little time the whole of the city heard the story, and the masses, awe­struck, talked in tones of heightened re­spect of Jesus the Jew whose power could be manifest in such a diversity of ways. And those who had already been impressed by the gospel Paul was teaching now magnified the name of Christ yet more by yielding obedience and loyalty to his service.

 

There was also a most unlooked–for effect on those who had already become disciples. Many of these had learned the way of salvation (see Gk. text) and yet remained strongly influenced by the in­grained superstitious outlook which had dominated their thinking all their lives.

 

They now realised how great was the power of the Christ in whom they had believed, and, trembling lest they should come under judgement for their weak: covert failure to "put off the old man with his deeds," they came to Paul – a steady stream of them – confessing their hidden loyalty to the former evil way of life and declaring a strong resolve to live a true Christ–life from now on. The new Ephesus ecclesia had needed a reformation, and this was it.

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Superstition —

 

One extraordinary effect of these re­markable happenings was an open re­nunciation of magic. "Ephesian letters," documents based on the mystic inscrip­tions on the image of "Diana of the Ephesians," were in popular use all over the empire. There were even learned commentaries written about them. The trade in spells, incantations, conjuration of spirits and every kind of lore that superstitious and evil men could think up was enormous.

 

Now, many – both in the ecclesia and outside it – renounced all such mumbo­jumbo, and a great bonfire was made of all the accursed material associated with that way of life. One armful of papyri after another was thrown into the flames, and someone standing by and making (for whatever motive) a reckoning of the market–value of this destruction, came up with an estimate which, in modern infla­tionary figures, comes to either half–a–million pounds or two million pounds, according to how the text is read (cp. 4:32–35). "Such books would cer­tainly fetch a fancy price" (Knowling). And there would be also the loss of profit which came from the use of them.

 

— and Truth

 

With the literary skill so characteristic of him, Luke sets alongside this picture the telling comment: "So, mightily, grew the Word of God, and prevailed." In this context the reference is surely not merely to the demonstrated superiority of the gospel, but also to the actual multiplying of copies of good books of Scripture supplanting the bad books of Ephesian magic. The number of NT. writings which are, in one way or another, associated with Ephesus is remarkable: Ephesians, 1,2 Corinthians, 1,2 Timothy (see also 2 Tim. 4:13), and all the writings of John, especially the first of the letters to the seven churches.

 

An acted parable

 

In concluding this section it is worth­while to make further enquiry into the remarkable fact that (in the episode of the demoniac and the sons of Sceva) the New Testament uses the term "evil spirit" only here and in the Lord's rather ghoulish parable of the seven evil spirits who returned into the house (the man) from which one "evil spirit" had been cast out (Lk. 11:26 and its parallel in Mt. 12:45). The meaning of that parable is indi­cated by the words: "Even so also shall it be unto this wicked generation". John the Baptist's mission exorcized the "evil spirit" in Israel; but then, instead of taking in Jesus as the rightful occupant of the house, the nation refused to have him. So the parable prophesied invasion by seven other "evil spirits," so that the last state of the nation must inevitably be much worse than the first.

 

This happened. The next forty years after Jesus told this parable saw such a drastic moral decline in Jewry that nation­al overthrow became inevitable. The use in this parable of "evil spirit" (as against "unclean spirit" everywhere else) is thus explained. The phrase puts emphasis on the meaning of the parable (or type, in Acts 19).

 

It is noteworthy that Luke 11 omits the interpretative phrase quoted above. Is that because Luke has underlined the point of it by another parable at Ephesus? The sequence of significant details is certainly remarkable:

 

1. Sceva means "a prepared vessel" –a vessel fitted for destruction!! (Rom. 9:22; and contrast Acts 9:15).
   
2. a chief priest.
   
3. Jesus and Paul approved by the Gentile hitherto under the domina­tion of an "evil spirit."
   
4. The representatives of temple Jew­ry, devotees of an ungodly cult, flee – out of the House – naked –wounded. "Now is the prince of this world cast out" (Jn. 12:31).
   
5. In particular, two of them (like Jan­nes and Jambres) who associate themselves with the name of Jesus (like the subversive Judaists in the early church) are exposed as im­postors; and of course the other five lose all influence.
   
6. Holy books, worth "five myriads of pieces of silver" are discarded in favour of the books of the gospel.
   
7. The remarkable expression with which this remarkable incident is rounded off strongly suggests an interpretation of the kind indicated here: "after these things were fulfilled" (v.21) – as though what is recorded is to be read as a kind of prophecy.

 

Is this what Luke was getting at when he set down such an uncharacteristic part of his narrative?

[Resource Manager]

Notes: 19:11–20

11. The Greek particle te makes a pointed identification of the miracles now described with the preaching in v.8–10. Special miracles. Literally: "no ordinary miracles" (cp. 28:2). Is this meant to imply:

 

1. that normally Paul did not work miracles?
   
2. that the ordinary miracles are those in v. 13,19?
   
3. that, since the Greek word may mean "one met by chance," what are now described are not to be read as in any way fluky?

 

12, 13. begin with kai... kai, as though linking together two remarkable results in the world of Ephesian superstition.

12. 2 Kgs. 4:29 is not quite a parallel case, for there the prophet explicitly gave authority, yet through the unworthiness of the human instrument it didn't work.

Departed. One of Luke's many medical terms; s.w. Heb. 2:15; Lk. 12:58.

Evil spirits. See "Demons," in "Studies in the Gospels," ch. 30.

13. Vagabond. Like modern virtuosi, they went on tour; s.w. Gen. 4:12,14 LXX, where the type closely resembles this one. This story makes prompt correction of any false conclusions from v.12.

14. A chief of the priests. Well away from Jerusalem, it may have been an assumed title.

Seven sons. Is it possible that this should be read as meaning seven disciples, as in Mt. 12:27; 13:38.

16. RV: both of them (Bezan text) is surely correct, for even a raging maniac could hardly demoralise and damage seven grown men.

Fled naked and wounded. Cp. Ex. 7:12;8:18,19.

18. Confessed and showed. This would take some doing! Is it possible that the meaning is: Certain of the believers exposed openly the evil practices of the superstition–mongers? The Gk. doesn't read easily this way.

Deeds, and also curious (v. 19) appear to have been technical terms in some of the exorcism papyri which have been found.

19. This verse may be one of Luke's "rubrics;" see on 2:47.

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85. Problems in Corinth (19:21,22)

 

The reader who neglects to include a careful study of the incidental details in Paul's epistles can easily get a mistaken impression that the three years he spent in Ephesus was a long crescendo of success for the gospel, a period of sustained encouragement for the apostle and his team of helpers.

 

Certainly, in Asia this was largely true – until there came that mighty explosion of indignation from the devotees of "Diana of the Ephesians." But it is not to be forgotten that always, and especially at this time, Paul carried on his shoulders the burden of "the care of all the churches." The Greek text of verse 22 – not "in Asia," but "into Asia" – supplies a hint of a mission in the hinterland of Ephesus.

 

Many commentators think that this was the period of the Judaist inroads into the churches of Galatia and that it was from Ephesus that Paul wrote his highly–indignant remonstration in the Epistle to the Galatians (the point is discussed later in this chapter).

 

But there can be no manner of doubt that this was the period of Paul's big Corinthian headache, about which there is no hint whatever in Luke's record. Did he choose to omit this part of the story because he could not have presented it in a well–balanced way without giving prom­inence to the sterling work done by his own brother Titus? (2 Cor. 7:6, 7, 13–15; 8:6, 16, 17, 23; 12:18).

 

The Corinthian epistles

 

The picture of Paul's dealings with the ecclesia at Corinth at this time is by no means easy to piece together. So many of the hints scattered through the two Corin­thian epistles are capable of more than one interpretation. A full analysis of these problems does not strictly belong to a study of the Book of Acts. So this chapter will content itself with a summary of what seems to be the most likely re–construc­tion.

 

It is clear that the Corinthians received a letter from Paul earlier than that now known as his first epistle to Corinth: "I wrote unto you in an epistle not to company with fornicators" (1 Cor. 5:9). Embedded in 2 Corinthians (6:14–7:1) is a short section which gives the impress­ion of being out of place. Certainly, 2 Cor. 6:11–13 runs on very well at 7:2; and the exhortation: "Be ye not unequally yoked together with unbelievers," looking back to that apostasy of Israel's Baal–peor fornicators (Num. 25:3), answers toler­ably well to what Paul says about his earlier letter, though it is hard to believe that those five verses (6:14–7:1) are all that he had to say in it.

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In answer to that lost letter, or crossing it in transit, came a letter from Corinth, probably brought by Erastus. But at this time there was evidently a fair amount of to–ing and fro–ing between Ephesus and Corinth, so that Paul had also the reports of Apollos and Stephanas, Fortunatus and Achaicus, and "them of the house­hold of Chloe" (1 Cor. 16:12,17; 1:11) to fill in his mental picture of Corinthian affairs.

 

This letter from Corinth sought the apostle's advice regarding various prob­lems. These included:

 

1. Marriage difficulties (ch.7).
   
2. What changes in personal life con­version should bring – for the Jew observant of the Law of Moses, and for the slave in bondage (7:17–24).
   
3. Meat offered in sacrifice to idols (ch.8).

 

In his reply to their enquiries Paul settled down to deal very bluntly with various abuses which had grown up in that somewhat unruly ecclesia, all of them calling for prompt and drastic action:

 

1. The tendency to split the ecclesia into groups, each claiming the spe­cial leadership of this brother or that (1:10–16; 3:4–6).
   
2. Their inclination to set too high an esteem on worldly wisdom (1:27 –2:16).
   
3. A bad case of immorality (ch.5).
   
4. A wider trend towards licentious­ness (6:9–20).
   
5. Law–suits between members of the ecclesia (6:1–8).
   
6. The deportment of women in the ecclesial services (11:3–10; 14:34–40).
   
7. The poor tone of their Lord's Supper observance (11:20–34).
   
8. Spirit gifts, especially the gift of tongues (ch. 12–14).
   
9. Uncertainties about the doctrine of the resurrection (ch. 15).

 

In lieu of this letter Paul would have liked to go across to Corinth to deal with the problems in person, but the work in Asia still detained him (v.22). Luke's use of "Asia" here, and not "Ephesus," suggests that Paul was giving a good deal of personal attention to the new ecclesias in that area, those later known as the seven churches of Asia (Rev. 1–3).

 

Some commentators argue that, soon after writing 1 Corinthians, Paul did follow it with a flying visit. The basis for this idea is the apostle's allusion (2 Cor. 2:1; 12:14,21; 13:1) to a "third visit" which he was planning to make. But it may be that the implied "second visit" was purposed but prevented by adverse circumstances.

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Galatians?

 

Again, according to one view (not followed in the earlier chapters of this study), it was at this time that the Judaist subversion of Galatia took place, thus making imperative the writings of the almost distraught Epistle to the Galatians.

 

In favour of this view, the following evidence is advanced:

 

1. The later chapters of 2 Corinthians, written at most two or three months after Paul left Ephesus, are full of concern about the Judaist subver­ters.
   
2. When he left Ephesus, he did so in a state of deep depression because of the many discouraging problems (2 Cor. 1:8–11;2:12,13).
   
3. The defection of the Galatians was sudden (Gal. 1:6). Yet only two years or so earlier, Paul had "strengthened all the disciples (18:23) in that area.
   
4. "All the brethren who are with me" (Gal. 1:2) might describe the com­pany of vigorous helpers Paul had with him at Ephesus.
   
5. "The working of the Spirit" (Gal. 3:5) suggests the impressive mira­cle–working done by Paul at Eph­esus.
   
6. The allusions to witchcraft (Gal. 3:1; 5:20) fit an Ephesus background.
   
7. "From henceforth let no man trouble me" (Gal. 6:17) implies that the writer is a man too preoccupied with the other duties even to contemplate giving much personal attention to Galatia.

 

It is doubtful whether arguments of this character can be regarded as decisive.

 

Erastus and Timothy

 

At this time Paul was becoming in­creasingly concerned about the assemb­ling of the moneys which the Gentile ecclesias had undertaken to contribute for the well–being of their poor brethren in Judaea. Presumably it was in connection with this that he now sent two of his helpers, Erastus and Timothy, to visit the Macedonian churches. The former was "chamberlain" of the city of Corinth (Rom. 16:23), a man of some consequ­ence. It is not difficult to imagine him getting leave of absence, and using his holiday for a trip to Ephesus to see Paul. The visit to Macedonia with Timothy would be rounded off with a coasting voyage back home. Paul envisaged the possibility that Timothy might go all the way back with him, and accordingly he warned the Corinthians, some of whom were rather abrasive and overbearing: "If Timotheus come, see that he may be with you without fear; for he worketh the work of the Lord as I also do" (1 Cor. 16:10).

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Paul's anxiety

 

Some have inferred that soon after dispatching 1 Corinthians, Paul, receiving more bad news of disturbance and dis­loyalty there, was constrained to write another epistle, grievous both to him and to them. Two allusions might support this view: "For out of much affliction and anguish of heart I wrote unto you with many tears, not that ye should be grieved, but that ye might know the love which I have more abundantly unto you" (2 Cor. 2:4).

 

"For though I made you sorry with a letter, I do not repent, though I did repent: for I perceive that the same epistle hath made you sorry, though it were but for a season. Now I rejoice, not that ye were made sorry, but that ye sorrowed to repentance" (2 Cor. 7:8,9).

 

The letter referred to is either 1 Corin­thians or one which has sunk without trace, probably (but not certainly) the former.

 

It was chiefly a question as to whether these Corinthians were prepared to accept the reproofs which Paul, out of concern for them, had felt bound to administer. For the apostle it was hardly possible to envisage a greater disaster than to have one of the ecclesias he had founded turn its back on him. So at Troas, the rendezvous previously decided on, he waited with restless and anxious spirit for the return of Titus whom he had sent to Corinth.

 

Happily, in this place where in the second journey circumstances and the Holy Spirit had hustled him on to Macedo­nia (16:11), there was now "an open door" (2 Cor. 2:12), so that over against the growing anxiety of how things were going in Corinth, Paul had here the satisfaction and encouragement of being able to found yet another ecclesia.

 

Even so, after a while he could stay no longer: "I had no rest in my spirit, because I found not Titus my brother" so, "taking leave of them, I went from thence into Macedonia" (2:13). In doing this, Paul was taking a risk. Suppose he and Titus were to miss each other, travelling oppo­site ways between Troas and Philippi? But the restless anxious apostle could not wait uninformed any longer.

 

At Philippi there was still no Titus. So, unable to possess his soul in patience, he began another epistle to the Corinthians (2 Cor.). He had got as far as 7:3 (probably) when Titus arrived, loaded with good news.

 

In Corinth all was well; they had accepted Paul's rebukes; their loyalty to him had been strongly re–affirmed; and Titus himself had been most warmly received and heeded in all that he had had to say on Paul's behalf.

 

The relief of Paul overflowed in a chapter of great happiness. But he was still uneasy about Corinthian casualness, as it seemed, towards the Judaean be­nevolent fund he was so keen on. So next followed two chapters (8,9) full of irresisti­ble persuasion.

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The Judaist campaign

 

At this point there came more ill tidings from Corinth. Apparently Titus had hardly left the ecclesia when there came certain itinerant "apostles" from the extreme Judaist section of the Jerusalem ecclesia. The plot to undermine the preaching of Paul to the Gentiles was going ahead in a highly efficient and utterly ruthless fashion. The un–named organizer of this movement (there is only one small hint as to who he was), a man practically of apostolic stature, was following a similar policy to that which had had sudden and drastic, though short–lived, success in Galatia; only , in Corinth, the emphasis was not so much on: "You Gentiles believing in Christ cannot hope for salva­tion unless you also keep the Law of Moses", as on the utter worthlessness of Paul as a spiritual guide. In every way that could be thought up, the character and motives of the apostle were denigrated. If only they could shatter all confidence in him, the more specially Judaist part of their programme could then be prop­agated with every expectation of success.

 

Almost over–wrought, Paul proceeded to add four vivid invaluable chapters (10–13), exposing the methods of these false brethren and vindicating himself with such a catalogue of his work and experi­ence in the cause of Christ as to leave his readers aghast with astonishment from that day to this.

 

Paul could have gone hot–foot in person to Corinth to plead his own case before them, but he knew how much wiser it would be to leave such an appeal to others – apart from anything else, so much less damaging to the Corinthians themselves (2 Cor. 1:23).

 

So he rounded off his epistle and sent Titus back to Corinth with it, this time not alone but accompanied by "the brother (i.e. his brother; cp. Gk. text of 1 Cor. 1:1; 5:1; Acts 7:25; Mt. 13:25) whose praise is in the gospel throughout all the churches" (8:18). There can be little doubt that this is Luke, who was at Philippi with Paul just then, and whose "Gospel according to Luke" had lately been published – in 1 Tim. 5:18 Paul could already allude to that gospel as "Scripture"!

 

Meantime, the apostle bestirred himself to make a shepherd's visitation to all the Macedonian ecclesias (20:2). Then he extended his tour a considerable distance to the west, so that some little time later, he was able to mention in his epistle to the Romans how that "round about unto Illyricum, I have fully preached the gospel of Christ" (15:19).

 

During this period there was doubtless also a good deal of organization work regarding the benevolent fund, for in a few months' time those contributions were to be transmitted to Jerusalem.

 

The situation saved

 

At last, reassured probably by Luke's return, he ventured south to spend three months in that area and especially at Corinth (20:2,3). It may be that Luke omits a specific mention of Corinth as a hint of his own personal disapproval of the earlier attitude of the Corinthians. Howev­er, there was a renewed wave of loyalty to Paul, and contrition that they should have caused the apostle – their apostle! – so much pain.

 

In Corinth, Paul was no longer permit­ted to earn his own living (as in 18:3). Instead he was looked after by one of the wealthy brethren: "Gaius mine host (not Gaius of Derbe; Acts 20:4) and of the whole church, saluteth you" (Rom. 16:23).

 

This visit to Corinth dissipated all the headaches Paul had experienced regard­ing that ecclesia. The Judaists (perhaps hearing from Luke and Titus that Paul was coming in person) had cleared out, and even before the apostle arrived he was fully rehabilitated in Corinthian esteem and affection.